An Expert Analysis of Ragusan Naval Architecture: The Carrack, Nava, and Galleon (14th-17th Centuries)

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An Expert Analysis of Ragusan Naval Architecture The Carrack, Nava, and Galleon 14th-17th Centuries

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An Expert Analysis of Ragusan Naval Architecture: The Carrack, Nava, and Galleon (14th-17th Centuries)

Date: December 28, 2025
Name: Zuan
Title: Project Manager
Focus Areas: Research and Design
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北京双翼之忆咨询有限公司 Beijing Two Wings Memory Consulting Limited
北京市朝阳区建国门外大街乙12号十层东塔A117单元

Suite A117, Twins Tower (East), 10th floor, B-12 Jianguomenwai Avenue, Chaoyang District, Beijing

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Table of Contents ​

1.0 Introduction: The Republic of Ragusa – A Maritime Power
2.0 The Mažibradić Brothers and Ragusan Maritime Service in the Spanish Empire
3.0 The Sagri Manuscript and the Michael of Rhodes Codex: A Comparative Analysis of Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century Ragusan Naval Architecture
4.0 The Medieval Metrological System of Dubrovnik: Scientifically Confirmed Weights and Measures
5.0 Analysis of a Passage from the Sagri Manuscript on 16th-Century Ragusan Shipbuilding
6.0 Nikola Sagri: A Ragusan Mariner and His Cartographic Legacy
7.0 A Biographical Sketch of the Ragusan Mariner and Scholar Nikola Sagri (c. 1538 – post 1571)
8.0 The Published Works of Nikola Sagri: A Posthumous Legacy in Renaissance Maritime Science
9.0 The Maritime Republic of Dubrovnik: Ships, Statecraft, and the Pursuit of Libertas
10.1.0 The Cog: Dubrovnik's Transitional Merchant Vessel in Medieval Maritime Trade
10.1.7 The Portolan Chart: A Navigator's Revolution
10.1.8 The Manuscript and the Mariner: The World of Michael of Rhodes
10.1.9 The Mighty Mude: Life on the Venetian Galley Convoys
10.1.10 An Early Enlightenment Odyssey
10.1.11 Reconstructed Route of Marsili's Voyage: Venice to Constantinople
10.2.0 Ragusan Carrack - Nava (16th Century)
10.2.1.1 The Concept of Arboragi (Jarbolarina) in Nikola Sagri's Il Chartigatore (1570)
10.2.6 The 16th c. Cog: Dubrovnik's Merchant Vessel in the Early Modern Era
10.3.0 The list detailing the ships of the (Dubrovnik) Ragusa Republic from 1584 to 1654, organized by their home ports.
10.4 Lokrum, 1513. Carrack, approximately 600 Ragusan wagons
10.5 The Dubrovnik Carrack: A Maritime Powerhouse of the Renaissance
10.5.5 The Carrack (Karakun) – The Apogee of Ragusan Shipbuilding
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Abstract: This paper provides a detailed synthesis and analysis of historical documents pertaining to the maritime supremacy of the Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik). Focusing on the seminal work of the Ragusan master shipwright Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević), it examines the sophisticated mathematical principles and regulatory frameworks that underpinned Ragusan shipbuilding. The study analyzes the design, construction, and operational history of key vessel types—most notably the Carrack (Karakun) and the Nava，and Galleon later—situating them within the broader context of Mediterranean and transoceanic trade. It argues that Ragusa's ascendancy was not accidental but the result of a deliberate fusion of state policy, scientific inquiry, and master craftsmanship, which together produced vessels of unparalleled quality and durability.

1.0 Introduction: The Republic of Ragusa – A Maritime Power
On the Maritime Prowess of the Ragusan Republic: An Examination of Early Regulation and Contemporary Acclaim
Since the distant year of 1312, a systematic oversight of the maximum permissible loading level of ships' cargo began within the heart of the Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik). This practice was formalized in 1361 with the enactment of a specific law, known as "De oneratione navigiorum fienda" (On the Stowage of Ships). This regulatory measure was pioneering, as analogous legislation in Western European states would only emerge during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In January 1390, the Ragusan government proclaimed subsidies for the construction of large vessels, instituting strictly defined conditions and obligations for the owners of the newly built ships.
According to scholarly research, by the fourteenth century, the Republic of Ragusa held the third position in importance within the Mediterranean, immediately after Genoa and Venice. However, by the sixteenth century, the Ragusan Republic had ascended to the primary position in the Mediterranean. In terms of its fleet of transoceanic merchant sailing vessels, operating under both domestic and foreign flags, it was the third largest in the world, surpassed only by the maritime powers of Spain and the Netherlands.
The republic's exceptional standing is corroborated by contemporary sources.
The renowned quality of Ragusan shipbuilding is further detailed by the Ragusan mariner and scholar, Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević). In his 1574 treatise, "Ragionamenti sopra la varietà de i flussi et riflussi del Mare Oceano Occidentale"(Discourses on the Variety of the Tides and Ebb and Flow of the Western Ocean Sea, Venice, 1574, pp. 35-37), he expressed profound confidence in the quality of Ragusan craftsmanship, noting the belief that "Le vostre navi sono più forti di tutte l’altre del mondo e di miglior legname". This translates to the assertion that Ragusan ships were "the strongest in the world,"constructed from the finest timber. This superior construction meant that the underwater hull of these vessels did not require repairs for ten years or more, a period significantly longer than the more frequent maintenance needed by ships of other maritime nations.
The reputation of Ragusan argosies for wealth and seaworthiness had permeated European culture, finding a lasting testament in the works of William Shakespeare. In "The Merchant of Venice," the proud argosies evoke powerful imagery of mercantile success and maritime power:
"There, where your argosies with portly sail,
Like signiors and rich burghers on the flood,
Or, as it were, the pageants of the sea..."
The term "argosy" itself is a linguistic derivative of "Ragusa," a testament to how strongly the city's name was associated with large, richly-laden merchant vessels in the early modern European imagination.

The Ragusan "Argosy": Naval Architecture and Maritime Influence in the Early Modern Period
The term "argosy" fundamentally denotes a specific type of Ragusan merchant vessel. The word itself is a linguistic derivative of the Italian name for Dubrovnik, "Ragusa". This etymology is formally recognized; for instance, the Encyclopaedia Britannica (XIVth edition, London, 1929, p. 336) specifies that "argosy" was the original term for a large merchant ship from Ragusa, which in poetry came to signify any vessel carrying rich cargo.
The scale and opulence of these ships were documented by contemporaries such as the Dominican friar Serafin Razzi, author of the first printed history of Dubrovnik. In his work "Viaggio in Abbruzzo", he provides a detailed account of a Ragusan carrack capable of carrying 1,200 kola (a unit of capacity) and a crew of 140 men. His description vividly illustrates the self-sufficiency and grandeur of life aboard these floating communities:
"...We saw the main room with a carved, painted, and gilded ceiling, and immediately next to it a large salon with a ceiling ‘à la rose’. In a secluded spot under some planks, we saw a herd of piglets and a large number of rabbits, very many chickens throughout the ship and coops, and also several beautiful cats. There were blacksmiths with their forge and carpenters with their workshop. And approximately in the middle of the ship, under the main mast, we saw a well of fresh water, with a windlass and buckets. ...we glimpsed under the deck in another section about twenty boys, whom they call ‘the ship's small ones’... The discipline on the ship need not even be mentioned, for it was much greater than what is usually encountered in monasteries. ...They say that a rusk soaked in vinegar and oil is a delicacy, because it is a very tasty and good food for all who sail the sea. ...Such large ships – as they recounted – cause much worry and danger, but if they successfully complete one or two voyages, they repay all that was spent on their construction."
Beyond the carrack (karaka), the Ragusan fleet comprised various vessel types, including galleons, šambeke, gripovi, ormanice, galijice, and filjuke. The Mediterranean type of sailing ship known as the pinka(pinco) was less represented in the Ragusan commercial fleet. During the 17th century, the number of such vessels fluctuated between 1 and 4, while in the 18th century, the fleet expanded to include between 22 and 66 carracks, each manned by 7 to 12 crew members, all retaining excellent navigational qualities.
The reputation of Ragusan maritime prowess extended beyond commerce. The Ragusan fleet was present in the military campaigns of King Charles V of Spain in Africa, as well as in the Spanish "Invincible Armada" of 1588, thereby solidifying its prestige on the naval stage.
A figure of exceptional importance in this context was Vice Martološić, who represented foreign expertise in Spanish shipbuilding during the early 1640s. The Spanish Crown tasked him with drafting new ordenanzas (ordinances) to improve shipbuilding. Martološić brought not only his knowledge but also the ambition to build a "perfect ship," offering new data derived from extensive study. In return, he requested citizenship for his two sons and, for himself, the title and salary of a general, considering this a fair exchange for his "eternal knowledge". King Philip IV, acquiesced to this proposal. In 1643, Martološić was honored with the rank of general and became the author of the promptly applied ordenanzas. His son, Tomo, who worked with him, was tasked with taking the specifications to Italy to oversee the construction of six galleons for the Atlantic fleet.
The newly prescribed construction methods were never officially published, but it is known that Martološić introduced a specific shaping of the keel, which was to be wider in relation to the total beam of the ship in a 1:3 ratio. This innovation influenced the construction of the fleet's new flagship in 1649, which showed a 5% improvement over its predecessor from 1628. This detail underscores the tangible impact of Ragusan naval architectural principles on European shipbuilding.
In the historical kaleidoscope of the Ragusan navy, the influences and significance this city had on Mediterranean and global shipbuilding achievements are clearly visible. Through its robust vessels, skilled mariners, and innovative shipwrights like Martološić, the Republic of Ragusa secured a legacy that transcended its modest size, leaving an indelible mark on maritime history.

Galleons and 'Q' Ships: An Analysis of the Spanish Conspiracy Against Venice (1618)
Abstract: This paper provides a detailed analysis of the clandestine naval campaign waged by the Spanish Viceroy of Naples, Don Pedro Téllez Girón, the Duke of Osuna, against the Republic of Venice between 1616 and 1619. Drawing primarily from the seminal 1952 article by G.B. Rubin de Cervin, this study examines the geopolitical context, the composition and tactics of the opposing fleets, and the infamous "Bedmar Plot." A central focus is the analysis of a unique set of architectural plans for a covert assault vessel—a 'Q' Ship—designed for Osuna to penetrate the Venetian lagoon. This work argues that the conspiracy, while ultimately unsuccessful, represents a critical episode in early modern naval history, highlighting the transition from galley-based to ship-of-the-line warfare in the Mediterranean and the use of deception and special operations in state conflict.
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1.1 Introduction: The Geopolitical Crucible of the Adriatic
In the early 17th century, the Republic of Venice found itself in a precarious position. Despite the peace treaty of Asti (1615), Spain, under the Habsburg Philip III, and the Duke of Savoy, Charles Emmanuel I, continued to threaten Venice's Lombard borders, forcing the Republic to maintain a costly state of military readiness. The catalyst for open conflict, however, originated in the east, from the depredations of the Uskok pirates. These Slavic refugees, operating from Segna (Senj) under the nominal authority of the Habsburg Archduke Ferdinand, had made Adriatic shipping routes perilous.
In 1615, Venice dispatched a naval force under Lorenzo Venier to eradicate the Uskok stronghold, an action that inadvertently triggered a wider conflict with Austria. By 1616, hostilities had flared across northern Italy. It was into this volatile arena that the Duke of Osuna, the ambitious and ruthless Viceroy of Naples, injected himself. Responding to an appeal from the beleaguered Archduke Ferdinand, Osuna saw an opportunity to realize his long-held ambition of subjugating the Venetian Republic, which he viewed as a heretical state. He initiated a blockade against Venetian commerce and opened Neapolitan ports to the Uskok pirates, effectively declaring an undeclared war.
1.2 The Antagonists: Osuna's Ambition vs. Venetian Resilience
1.2.1 Don Pedro Téllez Girón, The Duke of Osuna
A figure of formidable reputation, Osuna was a seasoned commander from a lineage of royal blood. As Viceroy of Sicily (1611-1616) and later Naples (from 1616), he demonstrated a penchant for autonomous action. He privately financed a personal squadron, which flew his own standard—a black square with his arms and the insignia of the Conception, on sails striped white and blue—rather than the flag of Spain. Esteemed by Spanish chroniclers like Francisco Quevedo as "the most loyal vassal, the most successful governor, humane, generous, pious, valiant," Osuna was nonetheless regarded with suspicion by his contemporaries in Italy for his ruthless and unpredictable nature.
1.2.2 The Venetian Republic: A Maritime Power in Transition
Venice, though financially strained, remained a formidable naval power. However, its Admiralty was slow to recognize the obsolescence of its traditional fleet, the armata sottile (light fleet), composed primarily of galleys. The new threat posed by Osuna's squadron of heavy, broadside-firing galleons forced a rapid and ad-hoc modernization. The Serenissima hastily assembled a fleet of armed merchantmen, recalling vessels like the galleon S. Marco (chartered by Almerigo Balbi) and chartering English ships such as the Gran Tigreand Gran Naranzer. Command was initially given to Giusto Antonio Belegno as Provveditore Generale, a choice that would later prove inadequate.
1.3 Naval Operations in the Adriatic (1617-1618)
Hostilities commenced in earnest in April 1617, when the Spanish Admiral Don Francisco Ribera, with five galleons, engaged Venetian forces off Lesina (Hvar). The Venetian response, under Belegno and the captain of the sailing ships, Lorenzo Venier, was plagued by indecision and internal discord. A major encounter occurred on 19 November 1617 near Santa Croce Bay (Ragusa). Venier, now in command, deployed his mixed fleet of galleons, galleasses, and galleys in a classic crescent formation. The battle proved inconclusive, with several Venetian and foreign captains showing a reluctance to press the attack, allowing Ribera to disengage. The engagement underscored the tactical difficulty of integrating oared galleys with sailing ships in a single battle line.
The Venetian Senate, frustrated by these failures, appointed Lorenzo Venier as Capitano Generale da Mar (Plate 1). Meanwhile, Osuna, despite receiving contradictory orders from a vacillating Madrid, continued his preparations. To circumvent the recall of the royal Spanish galleys, he attempted to covertly acquire English and Dutch vessels through intermediaries like Alexander Rose. These efforts were thwarted by the vigilance of Venetian diplomats and the English Crown.

Plate 1: Lorenzo Venier, Commander-in-Chief of the Venetian Fleet (Museo Storico Navale, Venezia)
1.4 The Bedmar Plot and the 'Q' Ships of 1619
The most intriguing aspect of the conflict was the so-called "Bedmar Plot" of 1618. The Venetian Council of Ten, through a network of informants including the French soldier-of-fortune Baldassare Juven and the adventurer Jacque Pierre, uncovered a sophisticated conspiracy. The plan, allegedly orchestrated by Osuna with the possible involvement of the Spanish Ambassador in Venice, the Marqués de Bedmar, was to overthrow the Venetian government through internal subversion and a decisive external strike.
The most striking element of this plot was the design of specialized assault vessels, referred to in the documents as 'Q' Ships. A secret dispatch from the Venetian Resident in Naples, Spinelli, dated 2 July 1619, contained detailed plans for these ships, which had been procured from a source close to Osuna.
1.4.1 Design and Specifications of the 'Q' Ship
The vessel was a masterpiece of clandestine naval architecture, designed to appear as a merchantman while possessing the capabilities of a warship. Its primary characteristic was a shallow draught of only 10-11 feet, allowing it to cross the shallows of the Venetian lagoon (la fuosa). The design was a hybrid, combining features of a galleon and a galleass.
· Hull and Armament: The sheer plan (Plate 3) reveals a galleon-like hull with a high sterncastle and a pronounced beakhead, adorned with a figurehead of a galloping horse—a direct reference to the emblem of Naples and a provocation against Venice. It was designed to carry a powerful armament, with seven guns on the main deck and five smaller pieces on the upper deck. The structure was reinforced "a cassoni" (with transverse bulkheads) to withstand gunfire.
· Propulsion: The deck plan (Plate 4) shows its most innovative feature: oar ports for 22 oars per side, arranged in the manner of a galleass. This provided maneuverability independent of the wind, crucial for navigating the lagoon. The sails (Plate 6) followed a standard galleon rig: square sails on the fore and main masts, and a lateen on the mizzen.
· Tactical Plan: The audacious plan was for two of these vessels to enter the lagoon via the Malamocco gateway disguised as merchants. At a pre-arranged signal (the ringing of St. Mark's bell at 1:30 AM), they would reveal their true nature. One ship would land troops at the Arsenal to seize its gates, while the other would anchor off San Giorgio Maggiore and bombard the Ducal Palace. This would coincide with a fifth-column uprising within the city.

Plate 3: Sheer plan of the 'Q' ship presented to the Viceroy of Naples, showing the horse-shaped figurehead (Archivio di Stato, Venezia).
Plate 4: Deck plan showing the oar arrangement, resembling a galleass (Archivio di Stato, Venezia).
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Plate 5: View of the 'Q' ship under sail with oars steeved upwards (Archivio di Stato, Venezia).
Plate 6: View of the 'Q' ship under sail with oars steeved upwards (Archivio di Stato, Venezia).

1.5 Denouement: The End of the Crisis
The conspiracy, combined with the escalating Thirty Years' War, forced Madrid to seek a settlement. Osuna's ambitions were increasingly viewed as a liability. In 1619, he was implicated in rumors of seeking to establish an independent kingdom in Naples. In May 1620, Cardinal Gaspare Borgia was sent by Madrid to peacefully remove Osuna from power. The once-powerful Viceroy returned to Spain, where, following the death of Philip III, he fell victim to court intrigue, was imprisoned by the new minister Olivares, and died in 1624。​

 

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2.0 The Mažibradić Brothers and Ragusan Maritime Service in the Spanish Empire

The Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) maintained a complex and strategically vital relationship with the Spanish Empire during the early modern period, characterized by the service of its skilled mariners and the quality of its naval architecture. The involvement of Ragusan citizens like the Mažibradić brothers in Spanish military campaigns exemplifies this deep interconnection, a tradition with roots extending back centuries.

2.1.0 The Mažibradić Brothers in Spanish Service

In the 17th century, Ragusan mariners were highly sought after by foreign powers, a testament to the republic's centuries-old maritime traditions. Jeronim Mažibradić, known in Spanish circles as Don Geronimo Marques de Masibradi, embarked on his international career seeking opportunity. His brother, Nikola Mažibradić, wrote from Madrid in 1634, informing the Ragusan government that he had completed a six-year service with his galleons but was called to extend his commitment for another six years. Both brothers were recognized as squadron commanders, with the Ragusan shipowner Nikola Mažibradić making a significant contribution to Spanish naval power.

In 1632, Nikola Mažibradić purchased the ship "San Sebastián", which was initially declared "unfit for warfare" but later served in the "Italian Squadron" of the Spanish navy, demonstrating the resilience and utility of Ragusan vessels even under scrutiny. His allegiance was to Admiral Antonio de Oquendo, under whom he sailed in May 1631 with a fleet of 26 ships and nearly 5,000 men bound for Brazil. The importance of Ragusan shipping to Spain was explicitly noted by the Neapolitan Viceroy, Medina de las Torres, who, in a letter to Philip IV dated 11 March 1639, mentioned two Ragusan ships of 1,200 and 1,000 tons, alongside four Venetian vessels, as part of the Atlantic Fleet (la armada del mar Oceano).

2.2.0 The Battle of the Downs and Ragusan Valor

The pivotal naval conflict between the Dutch, commanded by Maarten Tromp, and the Spanish under Antonio de Oquendo culminated on the night of 21-22 October 1639. During this engagement, the galleon of Nikola Mažibradić, fighting in concert with a Flemish squadron, successfully liberated the flagship "Nuestra Señora de la Concepción y Santiago". Tromp later acknowledged that this particular ship had been "unbeatable" with Oquendo on board. The following day, a storm dispersed the Dutch vessels, ending the battle.

Oquendo's flagship, kept afloat by five bilge pumps, sailed towards Mardick, escorted by Mažibradić's galleon and seven ships from Dunkirk. On 23 October, Mardick hosted the largest ship ever to enter its port, which was safely piloted by Miguel de Horna. A damage assessment revealed the vessel had sustained 1,700 hits. De Oquendo departed the port on 15 February 1640, choosing to risk severe weather rather than another confrontation with Tromp, and eventually returned to Spain. Contemporary accounts, such as a printed relaciónby the royal printer of Seville, Juan Gómez de Blas, disseminated news of this "true relation of the great victory of Don Antonio de Oquendo over the Dutch ships," cementing the event in public record.

2.3.0 Diplomatic and Ceremonial Ties

The relationship between Ragusa and Spain was not merely transactional but was reinforced by diplomatic presence and ceremonial practices. As early as 1422, an Aragonese consul was present in Dubrovnik. King Philip IV of Spain appointed Petar Ohmučević as an agent and consul of Spain in Dubrovnik, a post he held until his death in 1631. This consular tradition was continued by his successors, including his son Stjepan (until 1637) and his brother Nikola Ohmučević (until 1666).

The importance of the sea and international connections was ritually embodied in Dubrovnik's celebrations for St. Blaise (Sveti Vlaho), the republic's patron saint. During the Feast of Candlemas (Svijećnica), the admiral of the Ragusan navy would raise the flag on Orlando's Column, offering praises and invoking the names of saints from various cities, including Rome, Zadar, Kotor, Trogir, Split, Naples, and notably, St. Vincent from Spain. This ritual was not merely custom but a symbol of profound connection to maritime tradition and international networks.

2.4.0 Economic Foundations and Earlier Precedents

The Ragusan-Spanish economic relationship was multifaceted. Merchants from Barcelona and Valencia were present in Dubrovnik, engaging in trade that was central to the republic's existence. The gift of twelve birds of prey, whether falcons or hawks, to the Spanish king or the Viceroy of Naples was considered by the Republic a gesture of diplomacy rather than an obligation, reflecting the sophisticated use of economic statecraft.

This maritime and commercial expertise had deep roots. The story of Matija (Mate) Vitov Đorđić (1329-1400) serves as a powerful precedent for the later Mažibradić brothers. Đorđić was a quintessential Ragusan "general of the sea," a title bestowed upon fleet commanders. His adventurous spirit and mercantile acumen led him to purchase his own ship and trade in diverse, valuable cargo, embodying the entrepreneurial spirit that defined Ragusa.

His skills extended beyond trade to naval command and innovation. He participated in the conflict between Genoa and Venice in 1378, inflicting significant losses on Venetian galleys. His tactical prowess in avoiding a naval engagement at Chioggia earned him a patent of nobility from Genoa. In 1383, he captured several French galleys that were raiding in Ragusan waters, an act that required the diplomatic intervention of King Charles VI of France to secure the release of his notable captives, an event which in turn secured various privileges for Ragusa in France.

2.5.0 Conclusion: A Legacy of Naval Entrepreneurship

The service of the Mažibradić brothers and the earlier exploits of Matija Đorđić illustrate a consistent pattern: the Republic of Ragusa, though a small state, produced individuals and assets of outsized importance in Mediterranean and Atlantic maritime affairs. The Republic's political acumen, characterized by a reserved pragmatism towards all nations to preserve its own interests, was perfectly complemented by the entrepreneurial spirit of its citizens. Ragusan ships and sailors became integral components of Spanish naval power, leaving an indelible mark on the history of European naval warfare and global trade from the Caribbean to the English Channel. This was not a story merely of ships and commerce, but of the people who mastered the sea, weaving the Republic of Ragusa into the very fabric of early modern maritime history.

Based on the manuscript of the Ragusan nobleman Nikola Sagrojević (Sagri), the stem statue can be easily drawn by drawing a vertical line from the midpoint of the razme tolde at its lowest point down to the bottom of the plating on the keel, and then describing a circle with its origin at the mentioned point on the razme tolde and its circumference at the other end of that line, i.e., at the bottom of the plating on the keel. This circle is then shifted to the end of the keel, to the place where the stem statue begins, and that is the form, or the curve, of the stem.

This description outlines a geometric method for defining the curvature of a ship's stem (pramčana statva), a decorative and structural element at the forwardmost part of the vessel's hull. The instructions suggest a precise, compass-based technique for transferring a specific arc from the keel's connection point to the stem's origin.

The terminology used, particularly razme tolde (a likely historical term for a specific structural component, perhaps related to the stem or a connecting timber) and kobilici (dative case of kobilica, meaning 'keel'), reflects the specialized language of Ragusan shipwrights. This practical geometric approach to ship design is consistent with the known historical practices of master shipbuilders in the Adriatic region during the early modern period, who often relied on proportional systems and geometric constructions.



Ragusans Cog, approximately 1450.



3.0 The Sagri Manuscript and the Michael of Rhodes Codex: A Comparative Analysis of Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century Ragusan Naval Architecture

The provided text references an excerpt from the manuscript of the Ragusan nobleman Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević), dated to 1571, and contrasts it with an earlier technical work, the manuscript of Michael of Rhodes from 1434. This comparison highlights a continuous tradition of sophisticated, mathematically-proportioned ship design in the Mediterranean spanning over a century. The specific description of mast placement illustrates a fundamental principle of naval architecture that was essential for the stability and performance of late medieval and early modern sailing vessels.

3.1.0 The Technical Principle: Mast Placement According to Michael of Rhodes

The earlier manuscript, created by Michael of Rhodes in 1434, provides precise instructions for constructing a two-masted vessel (a coccaor similar type). The key technical detail involves the geometric division of the ship's keel or main deck beam, known as the tolda. Michael instructs that this length should be divided into seven equal parts. The forward, or main mast, was to be positioned at the precise point where the third seventh (from the bow or pramac) meets the fourth seventh (from the stern or krma).

This 7:3:4 ratio was not arbitrary; it was the result of empirical knowledge developed over centuries of Mediterranean seafaring. Placing the mast at this specific point was critical for the vessel's longitudinal stability and sailing performance. A mast placed too far forward would make the vessel difficult to steer and prone to pitching, while a mast placed too far aft could cause excessive leeway and make the vessel unweatherly. This proportional rule ensured an optimal balance, allowing the ship to carry sail efficiently and handle well in various sea conditions.

The stern from the original artefact presenting Ragusan Cog, approximately 1450, a 15th-centuryVessel.

2.0 Contextualizing the Manuscripts: A Tradition of Naval Engineering

The existence of these two manuscripts, separated by 150 years, demonstrates a robust tradition of recording and transmitting complex shipbuilding knowledge. Michael of Rhodes, likely a Venetian mariner or shipwright, represented the advanced technical knowledge of the major maritime republics of the 15th century. His manuscript is a comprehensive compilation of mathematics, astronomy, and engineering, with shipbuilding as a central component.

By the time Nikola Sagri wrote his manuscript in 1571, the Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) had firmly established itself as a leading maritime power. Sagri's work, reflecting the principles found in Michael of Rhodes' earlier codex, indicates that Ragusan shipwrights were fully conversant with the standardized proportions used across the Mediterranean. Furthermore, Sagri's own contributions, as seen in other parts of his work where he prescribes a keel-width-to-beam ratio of 1:3, show that this knowledge was not merely copied but actively adapted and refined by Ragusan masters. The longevity and renowned quality of Ragusan ships, such as the famous carracks or argosies, can be directly attributed to this sophisticated understanding of naval architecture.



3.3.0 Conclusion: The Legacy of Proportional Design

The precise instructions for mast placement found in the Michael of Rhodes codex and echoed in the later Sagri manuscript are emblematic of the shift from purely artisanal shipbuilding to a more calculated, scientific approach. These proportional systems were the essential "blueprints" of their day, ensuring that vessels were not only seaworthy but also highly efficient for long-distance trade and navigation. The success of Mediterranean maritime republics, particularly Ragusa in the 16th and 17th centuries, was built upon this foundation of applied geometric knowledge, which allowed them to produce vessels that were among the strongest and most reliable on the seas.

Observations on the Hull Sheathing of a 15th-Century Vessel: A Note on an Anachronistic Lead Sheathing Discovery

During the tenth month of the previous year, I observed an anomalous hull sheathing on the artifact. Had these been wooden planks, they would have been disproportionately large for a caracca of 30 to 40 meters in length; particularly the hawsehole at the bow and the planking would have been excessively dimensioned. A prior study correctly identifies this artifact as a caracca approximately 30 to 40 meters long and explicitly notes that the hawseholes and hull planks are not in proportion with the other elements. It was later observed that the carved planks on the hull would extend deep below the sea surface when the ship was launched, which is, of course, entirely incorrect.

However, I noted a critical detail: on the lower section of the sternpost, there are sheaths, which are remarkably short for any type of wooden sheathing. Upon more detailed examination, I concluded that this could not be a wooden sheathing. I postulated that it might be a lead hull sheathing. The use of lead plates for hull protection is confirmed by underwater archaeological findings, such as the remains of a galleon discovered near the island of Šipan, dating to 1576. Yet, the navicular in question here is a vessel from the first half of the 15th century! This places the potential use of such technology approximately 150 years earlier than previously confirmed by established archaeological evidence.

This observation presents a significant potential anomaly. The use of lead sheathing, or "copper sheathing" as it would evolve, was primarily an early modern practice aimed at protecting the hull from marine borers like the Teredo navalis shipworm and to reduce fouling, thereby preserving the ship's speed and structural integrity on long voyages. Its apparent presence on a 15th-century vessel, if confirmed, would necessitate a serious re-evaluation of the technological sophistication and protective measures employed by medieval Mediterranean shipwrights, particularly from the renowned shipbuilding center of Ragusa (Dubrovnik).

Just as the scientifically confirmed medieval measures of length used in Dubrovnik are recognized, so too are the medieval measures of weight. The discovery of a potential lead sheathing, therefore, must be analyzed with the same rigorous, metrological precision. The dimensions and fastening method of these lead plates—whether they were nailed, stapled, or applied with another technique—are of paramount importance. This finding could suggest that the technological solution of hull sheathing was experimented with much earlier than the historical and archaeological record currently indicates, highlighting the innovative and often undocumented advancements made in the Adriatic shipyards of the medieval period.

4.0 The Medieval Metrological System of Dubrovnik: Scientifically Confirmed Weights and Measures

Just as the scientifically confirmed medieval measures of length used in Dubrovnik are recognized, so too are the medieval measures of weight. The Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) maintained a sophisticated system of measurement that was essential for its thriving maritime trade economy. These measures were not arbitrary but represented a carefully calibrated system that evolved over centuries of commercial activity in the Adriatic region.

Volume Measures

The system was based on the kola (wagon), which constituted 7 salmi with a total volume of 1,991.5 liters. This large unit was subdivided into progressively smaller measures:

Kola: 7 salmi, with a total volume of 1,991.5 liters

Salma: 3 kantari, volume 284.5 liters

Tomin: 55.3 liters

Bačva: 8 barila, volume 523 liters

Baril: 6 vjedra or 75 vrčeva, volume 64 liters

Vjedro: 10.7 liters

Vrč: 0.85 liters

Star: 9.1 liters

Weight Measures

The weight system was anchored by the kantar, which weighed 89 kilograms. This was subdivided into smaller units:

Rotol: 0.89 kilograms

Libra: 0.36 kilograms

Historical Context and Standardization

These measures were not merely theoretical but were physically embodied in public standards. In Dubrovnik, the famous Orlando's Column (erected in 1418) served as the official standard for measuring cloth, with the length of Orlando's forearm (51.2 cm) defining the Ragusan cubit (lakat). This practice of displaying standard measures on public monuments was common throughout medieval Europe, ensuring that merchants and citizens could verify measurements and preventing fraudulent practices.

The Dubrovnik system reflects the broader Mediterranean metrological tradition, where measures varied significantly from place to place but were rigorously standardized within each trading center. This precision was crucial for the Republic's commercial success, allowing fair trade and accurate taxation across its extensive maritime network.​

 

[MarisStella]

5.0 Analysis of a Passage from the Sagri Manuscript on 16th-Century Ragusan Shipbuilding

The following passage from the manuscript of the Ragusan nobleman and shipwright Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević) provides a profound insight into the technical principles, competitive spirit, and material practices that defined Ragusan (Dubrovnik) naval architecture during the 16th century. The text not only outlines a specific proportional system for ship construction but also serves as a valuable primary source for understanding the perceived qualitative superiority of Ragusan vessels within the Mediterranean maritime landscape.

5.1.0 Professional English Translation and Contextualization

"...This is the most accurate, best, and most appropriate measure imaginable, even though in our homeland today, few nave (large ships) are built in this way. But the old nave were built so, [14r] and even today the Genoese still adhere to it, as do the Basques and the Portuguese. Because of this, their nave are better sailers, they sail particularly well to windward, and they respond best to the helm. If they were built from such good timber and then so well finished and strengthened as ours, without a doubt they would be far better than the Ragusan ones, especially since the above-water parts of their ships would be well executed in this manner. Since these qualities are lacking in their nave, while ours abound in them, it appears that our ships are not only equal to theirs but far surpass both the mentioned ones and all others in the world...

...The second [factor] is the skill of the shipwright, who must know how to determine the measures of length and thickness of all types of nails, and the thick and thin treenails, arranging them in the most suitable places. [8v] He must fasten the ship properly with them and, finally, from many parts make a unified whole. Furthermore, he must know how to caulk the ship, sheath it in lead, and smear it with pitch – in short, to make it watertight. (Regarding the sheathing of the underwater part of the ship with lead [actually lead plates], Sagri also speaks in the mentioned work Discourses on the Varieties of the Tides and Ebb and Flow of the Atlantic Ocean [see note 16]. On page 36 of the said work, he emphasizes that because of this procedure, Ragusan ships have greater strength than the Portuguese)..."



5.2.0 Technical and Historical Analysis

5.2.1 The "Ideal Measure" and International Standards

Sagri's praise for the "most accurate, best, and most appropriate measure" refers to a specific, mathematically calculated proportional system for ship design. Scholars analyzing his work identify this as the 'As-Dos-Tres' rule, which linked the ship's beam (width) to its keel length and overall length in a defined ratio (e.g., 1:2:3).

His acknowledgment that contemporary Ragusan builders sometimes deviated from this ideal, while it remained the standard for Genoese, Basque, and Portuguese shipwrights, indicates a sophisticated awareness of international maritime practices. The performance characteristics he attributes to these foreign ships—being "better sailers," especially to windward—highlight the direct link between precise proportionality and superior hydrodynamics and handling in Age of Sail vessels.

5.2.2 The Pillars of Ragusan Superiority: Materials and Craftsmanship

Despite acknowledging the sound foundational design of their rivals' ships, Sagri argues for the supremacy of Ragusan nave based on two distinct advantages:

Material and Craftsmanship ("Dobra građa" and "Dorađenost"): He posits that Ragusan ships were constructed from superior timber and, more importantly, were more meticulously "finished" and "strengthened." This suggests advanced techniques in joinery, framing, and internal reinforcement that enhanced the hull's durability and longevity. This meticulous approach to fastening, using correctly measured nails and treenails placed in optimal positions, was essential to creating a robust, unified hull from many individual components.

Advanced Hull Protection ("Obložiti ga olovom"): A critical technical advantage was the practice of sheathing the underwater hull with lead plates. This procedure, described as essential for making the vessel "watertight," served a dual purpose: it protected the hull from the destructive shipworm (Teredo navalis), a significant threat in warm Mediterranean waters, and added a layer of reinforcement. Sagri explicitly credits this method for giving Ragusan ships "greater strength than the Portuguese". This practice represents an advanced understanding of maritime technology, anticipating the widespread use of copper and lead sheathing by European navies in the early modern period.

5.2.3 The Shipwright's Artisanry

The description of the shipwright's skill goes beyond simple carpentry. It encompasses a comprehensive engineering knowledge, from determining the appropriate size and placement of metal fasteners and wooden treenails to the art of caulking and waterproofing. This holistic approach to "making a unified whole" from "many parts" underscores the high level of specialized artisanal knowledge required to produce a seaworthy, robust, and durable vessel, which was the hallmark of Ragusan shipbuilding.



Conclusion

The provided excerpt from the Sagri manuscript is a testament to the highly developed, scientifically-grounded, and self-confident tradition of Ragusan naval architecture. It reveals a culture that valued both adherence to proven proportional principles and continuous innovation in materials and construction techniques. By highlighting the comparative strengths of different maritime traditions, Sagri provides a nuanced perspective that justifies the renowned reputation of the Ragusan "argosy" throughout the Mediterranean and beyond. His work remains an indispensable source for understanding the technical sophistication that underpinned the maritime success of the Republic of Ragusa.

6.0 Nikola Sagri: A Ragusan Mariner and His Cartographic Legacy

The figure of Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević), a Ragusan mariner and maritime writer born on the island of Šipan around 1538, has been significantly illuminated by contemporary scholarship. The comprehensive study "Kartoznanac Nikole Sagrija, dubrovačkog pomorca" (The Cartographer of Nikola Sagri, the Ragusan Mariner), published in 2020 by authors Stjepan Ćosić and Irena Radić Rossi, stands as a seminal work in this regard. This publication, which includes contributions from scholars Damir Salopek, Mithad Kozličić, and Vinko Kovačić, presents the full original text of the manuscript "il chartigatore di nichollÒ Sagri marinaro raguseo" alongside its Croatian translation.

The paramount significance of this work lies in its assembly of nearly all known details of Sagri's life. It provides a meticulous examination of his origins, a detailed genealogy, the professional activities he engaged in throughout his life, and offers an analytical overview of his literary output. The publication is structured thematically to provide a holistic understanding of the man and his context, with chapters including a "Foreword," an essential contextual piece on "Dubrovnik in the Time of Nikola Sagri," a detailed "Note on the Genealogy and Heraldry of the Sagrijelović or Sagrojević Kindred and its Branches, the Krivonosović and Stjepović Skočibuha," and a core section dedicated to "The Life and Work of Nikola Sagri."

By publishing the manuscript in its entirety, the authors have made a primary source of great importance accessible to the academic community. Sagri's work, particularly his 1574 treatise "Ragionamenti sopra la varietà de i flussi et riflussi del Mare Oceano Occidentale"(Discourses on the Variety of the Tides and Ebb and Flow of the Western Ocean Sea), is a critical source for understanding the advanced state of Ragusan (Dubrovnik) naval architecture in the 16th century. His writings reveal a sophisticated, mathematical approach to ship design, including precise proportional ratios for vessel construction and detailed descriptions of advanced techniques such as lead hull sheathing, which contributed to the renowned durability and seaworthiness of Ragusan carracks(argosies). This 2020 publication by Ćosić, Radić Rossi, and their colleagues therefore provides an indispensable foundation for any scholarly analysis of Ragusan maritime history, technical knowledge, and the individual intellectuals who were instrumental in the Republic's naval prowess.

The Sagrijelović Coat of Arms in the Korjenić-Neorić Armorial

The Sagrijelović coat of arms is documented in the Korjenić-Neorić Armorial (also known as the Korenić-Neorić Armorial), a significant heraldic manuscript dating from 1595. This armorial is currently preserved in the National and University Library in Zagreb under the shelf mark R 4048.

Historical Context and Significance

The Korjenić-Neorić Armorial represents a 1595 copy of the lost original Ohmučević Armorial, which was commissioned by Petar Ohmučević, a Spanish admiral of Ragusan (Dubrovnik) origin, between 1584 and 1594. This work exemplifies the "Interconfessional" form of Illyrism, an ideological movement that combined historical and fictional coats of arms to construct the notion of an "Illyrian Empire" in South-Eastern Europe.

The armorial includes coats of arms from numerous noble families across the region, including Croatian, Serbian, Bosnian, Albanian, and other lineages. These families often used versions of this armorial as proof of their noble descent when claiming nobility before Austrian, Venetian, and Dubrovnik authorities.

The Sagrijelović Family

The inclusion of the House of Sagrijelović (also spelled Sagrojević) in this prestigious armorial underscores the family's noble status and their recognition within the broader South Slavic heraldic tradition. The armorial served as an important reference for noble families seeking to establish their lineage and social standing in the early modern period.

The Sagrojevići (Sagri) Kindred: Social Ascent and Maritime Enterprise in the Early Modern Adriatic

The nobleman Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević) belonged to a lineage of prominent Ragusan and Šipan-based shipowners. During the 16th and early 17th centuries, the Sagrojevići kindred established themselves as captains, merchants, and likely shipowners, representing a classic example of social mobility within the Dalmatian context.

Their origins, however, lay within the stratum of petty nobility and Vlach chieftains in the Humsko zemlja (Hum land). The petty nobility were commonly referred to as vlasteličićior gentiloti, while the Vlach leaders were known as katunari. In 1399, the Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) extended its dominion over the župa(county) of Hum, encompassing the coastal area between Ston and the Rijeka dubrovačka. This annexation led to the expropriation of land from these local possessors, known as baštići, and the revocation of their former status.

A century later, following the fall of the Bosnian Kingdom to the Ottoman Empire between 1463 and 1482, these families lost their remaining inland possessions. Consequently, they relocated to Ragusan territory, joining a significant influx of descendants from the Bosnian nobility. Under the prevailing economic conditions of the Republic, which was a major maritime and commercial power, they turned their efforts towards seafaring.

The Sagrojevići, primarily serving Spain, alongside other kindred branches such as the Ohmućevići, Tasovčići, Medvjedovići, and Radulovići, gradually evolved into a powerful clan oriented towards maritime trade and naval service. This strategic alignment with Spain provided significant economic and social opportunities.

A notable figure from this broader network was Petar Ohmućević, who served as an admiral in the Spanish Armada. To legitimize his claim to high nobility—a prerequisite for his rank—Ohmućević compiled an "Illyrian" armorial between 1584 and 1594. This comprehensive, illustrated manuscript cataloged the coats of arms of kingdoms in the Ragusan sphere and numerous noble families associated with them.

While 20th-century scholarship has often dismissed this armorial as a forgery designed to fabricate Ohmućević's lineage, a compelling counter-argument exists. If the armorial were a complete invention, it would rest on a fragile foundation. Given that the fall of the Bosnian Kingdom in 1463 was only about 121 years prior—a span of barely two or three human generations—it is highly probable that the heraldic data, or at least the core symbols and colors, were based on existing, verifiable traditions. Therefore, the armorial likely contains a significant degree of accurate information, even if its compilation served a personal agenda.

Ohmućević's armorial provides crucial data on the Sagrojevići, mentioning not only the known branch designations of Krivonosovići (Crivonossi) and Stjepovići Skočibuha (de Stefani) but also other families like the Vardabašići, Radmirovići, and Marinii, which are not typically linked to the Sagrojevići in standard literature. This suggests that the Sagrojevići constituted a large fraternity, likely of Vlach origin, even in the pre-Ottoman era.

The kindred's prosperity was built upon a combination of ships, financial strength, and familial cohesion. They possessed estates, houses, and palaces in the city of Dubrovnik, on the island of Šipan, and in Naples. The lineage began with an as-yet-unknown first Sagrojević, who lived in Suđurađ (on Šipan) at the end of the 14th century. His sons were the brothers Vitko (born circa 1410) and Toma (born circa 1415), from whom the various branches descended.

On the Origins of the Sagri Family: An Analysis of an 18th-Century Genealogical Account

The provided excerpt from the Genealogija dubrovačkih gragjana(Genealogy of Ragusan Citizens) from 1935, which itself cites an earlier source, offers a narrative-rich account of the origins of the Sagri family (Sagrojević). This narrative is a valuable primary source for understanding the social history, migration patterns, and identity formation of the Ragusan nobility in the early modern period. The text can be analyzed both for its factual claims and for what it reveals about the contemporary historical consciousness.

Professional English Translation and Contextualization

The text states:

"...Regarding the origin of the Sagri family, the following is recorded: 'This family, in olden times called Zakrilović, belonged to the nobility of the Bosnian Kingdom. They came to Dubrovnik after Bosnia was subjugated by Turkish arms and the Eastern Empire [likely referring to the Serbian Despotate or remnants of Byzantium] succumbed to Ottoman rule. Lest they remain among the unbelievers and expose themselves to the peril of the faith which they had always kept inviolate, they decided to abandon all their possessions, which they held as ancestral estates in the Kingdom of Bosnia. As refugees, all its members came to St. George (Sugjurac) on the island of Šipan, which belonged to the Republic of Ragusa. There they began to engage in seafaring, in which they were so aided by Heaven that in a short time from their house came so many captains of their own ships, each [ship] of over a thousand carri [a unit of tonnage], as can be seen in public documents. The great estate they achieved is demonstrated by the construction of palaces, houses, and gardens in the Ragusan state. During the time they resided on the island of Šipan, they were known by the surname Krivonosić. This lasted until the brothers Antun and Stijepo [Stepo], whose sons, as they advanced in wealth, began little by little to reside in the city of Dubrovnik around the year 1540. From then on, some began to change the house name from Krivonosić to Stefani, and some to Sagri, as will be detailed below.'"

Historical Analysis of the Narrative

This account encapsulates several key themes in the history of the Ragusan aristocracy:

The Refugee Narrative and Noble Bosnian Origins: The story begins with a classic émigrénarrative, common among many Ragusan patrician families. The claim of origins in the "nobility of the Bosnian Kingdom" served to establish ancient and prestigious lineage, legitimizing their status within the Ragusan social hierarchy. The motivation for migration is presented as a choice to preserve their Christian faith ("the faith which they had always kept inviolate") rather than live under Ottoman rule, a trope that emphasized their piety and sacrifice.

Social Mobility through Maritime Enterprise: The text accurately reflects the primary engine of social and economic ascent in Ragusa: maritime commerce. The family's rapid success in seafaring, becoming captains of large ships (over a thousand carri), is noted as being "aided by Heaven," but it was undoubtedly due to entrepreneurial skill. This commercial wealth was the foundation upon which they built their visible status, demonstrated by the construction of "palaces, houses, and gardens" in Dubrovnik itself, a move that typically occurred after a family had achieved significant financial stability.

Onomastic Evolution and Integration: The genealogical note on the evolution of the family's surname is particularly insightful. It describes a transition from the earlier surname Krivonosić to the new branches Stefani (de Stefani) and Sagri. This practice of adopting new, sometimes Italianate, surnames was common among Ragusan families as they integrated more fully into the urban patriciate and its cosmopolitan culture. The move from Šipan to the city of Dubrovnik around 1540 marks their final step into the core of the Republic's political and social life.

Conclusion: Between Fact and Collective Memory

While the specific details of the Zakrilović origin and the exact timeline may be difficult to verify with absolute certainty, this genealogical entry is not merely a list of facts. It is a curated narrative that reflects the family's own understanding of its past and its desired self-image. The account successfully ties together the key elements of a respectable patrician identity in early modern Ragusa: noble origins, devout Catholicism, entrepreneurial success, and eventual integration into the urban elite. As such, it serves as an excellent example of how historical memory was constructed and preserved among the noble families of the Republic of Ragusa.

7.0 A Biographical Sketch of the Ragusan Mariner and Scholar Nikola Sagri (c. 1538 – post 1571)

The provided text details the life and career of Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević), a 16th-century mariner and scholar from the Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik), whose contributions to naval architecture and geography were significant. The following analysis synthesizes the biographical data into a coherent narrative, situating Sagri within the broader context of Ragusan maritime enterprise.

7.1.0 Early Life and Familial Context

Nikola Sagri was born around 1538 into a prominent Ragusan seafaring family. This date can be deduced from his own manuscript, wherein on 30 December 1570, he recorded that in his 32 years of life and 20 years of seafaring, he had never witnessed a storm as severe as the one experienced the previous day near Dubrovnik. He spent his childhood between the island of Šipan and the city of Dubrovnik, an environment that provided him the opportunity to learn Italian and the fundamentals of mathematics and geometry, essential skills for a navigator and shipwright.

His family was large, consisting of eight siblings. Tragically, two of his brothers, Miho and Ivan Pavao, did not survive to adulthood. Sagri shared his maritime experiences with his older brother, Toma, and his younger brother, Ivan Marija, and they had a sister named Vica. The death of their father, Frano, in 1549 likely accelerated the brothers' entry into the professional world of shipping.

7.2.0 Maritime Career and Key Voyages

As was customary in Ragusan merchant families, Nikola was introduced to the sea from an early age. His professional command began in 1557 when he became captain of the ship S. Catherina (minore), a position he held until 1568.

The Sagri family's operations were complex and international in scope. Six years after their father's death, Nikola's brother Toma was called to command the larger S. Catherina (maggiore). Meanwhile, the younger brother, Ivan Marija, took over command of the S. Catherina (minore) from Nikola. Ivan Marija was a witness to that vessel's tragic end, as it was lost in a fire off the Catalan coast in the summer of 1568. Following this loss, the family acquired a new ship, the Piuma Santo Spirito, which was also commanded by Ivan Marija.

Nikola Sagri's voyages aboard the S. Catherina (minore) covered both the Mediterranean and the Atlantic Ocean. In 1560, the ship participated in King Philip II of Spain's expedition to Djerba in Tunisia, transporting ship's biscuit from Naples to Messina and onward to North Africa—a campaign that famously ended in the defeat of the Spanish Armada. Furthermore, in 1563 or 1564, the same ship sailed from Lisbon to Flanders and then to Calais. It was likely during this voyage to Northern Europe that Sagri gathered the inspiration for writing his first manuscript, Raggionamenti sopra la varietà dei flussi et riflussi del mare Oceano occidentale (Discourses on the Variety of the Tides and Ebb and Flow of the Western Ocean Sea).

7.3.0 Ship Ownership and Advanced Command

The family's business continued to expand. In 1568, the Sagri family completed the construction of a ship in Naples, the Santo Spirito, which Nikola commanded for at least six months. That same year witnessed the launch of the largest ship ever built in Gruž (the port of Dubrovnik), the Santo Spirito e Santa Maria di Loreto.

The ownership and operation of such large vessels were typically organized through a shares system, a common practice in Dubrovnik. The largest shareholder in this new ship was Nikola's second cousin, Antun Krivonosović. Command of the vessel was entrusted first to Nikola's brother Toma, and subsequently to Nikola himself, indicating his esteemed reputation as a mariner.

7.4.0 Literary Legacy and the "Il Chartigatore" Manuscript

Sagri began writing his seminal work, the Kartoznanac (The Chart-Maker), after the family residence in Suđurađ was fortified with a tower around 1750 (this date seems anachronistic and may be a transcription error; a date in the late 16th century is more plausible for Sagri's own life). He spent some time in Dubrovnik before retiring to the island of Šipan.

According to his wishes expressed in his will of 1571, two of his major works on the tides were published posthumously in Venice and became well-known in scholarly circles. However, a third, lesser-known but equally important work existed: Il Chartigatore (The Chart-Maker), which refers to a mariner who uses charts and nautical instruments. This manuscript is mentioned by Bartolomeo de Crescentio in his 1602 book Nautica mediterranea.

For many years, the existence of Il Chartigatore was considered mysterious. Its survival was unknown until approximately 2010, when a manuscript identified as such appeared on the antiquarian market in New York and was acquired by the James Ford Bell Library at the University of Minnesota (shelfmark: Bell 1570 Sa). It has been established that this manuscript is indeed one of those listed in Sagri's will (DAD, Testamenta Notariae 44, ff. 26r-29r), which had previously gone unnoticed. This discovery revealed that the second manuscript published in Venice was merely a supplement to the first, underscoring the depth of Sagri's original research in calculating a ship's volume and constructing parts of the hull, masts, pulleys, and sails.

Conclusion

The biography of Nikola Sagri presents a compelling portrait of a Renaissance man of the sea: a practical mariner with extensive transoceanic experience, a savvy participant in his family's commercial ventures, and a scholar who systematically recorded and advanced the nautical science of his time. His life exemplifies the sophisticated blend of practical skill, entrepreneurial spirit, and intellectual curiosity that characterized the Ragusan maritime republic at its zenith. The recent rediscovery of his manuscript Il Chartigatore further solidifies his legacy as a key figure in the history of naval architecture and navigation.​

 

[MarisStella]

8.0 The Published Works of Nikola Sagri: A Posthumous Legacy in Renaissance Maritime Science

The intellectual legacy of the Ragusan mariner Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević) was secured through the posthumous publication of his manuscripts, which cemented his reputation within the scholarly currents of the late Renaissance. The pivotal work, Ragionamenti sopra le varietà dei flussi et riflussi del mare Oceano occidentale (Discourses on the Variety of the Tides and Ebb and Flow of the Western Ocean), published in Venice in 1574, represents a formalized account of his empirical observations and theoretical reflections on tidal phenomena in the Atlantic Ocean. The text is notable for its deliberate emphasis on two crucial maritime routes, underscoring Sagri's practical navigational concerns.

Employing a literary device common to scientific dialogues of the period, the book is structured as a conversation between a Biscayan pilot and two mariners from a Ragusan merchant vessel. This format allowed Sagri to present complex hydrographic knowledge in an accessible manner, contrasting different maritime traditions and experiences. The publication was orchestrated by his brother, Ivan Marija Sagri, fulfilling a duty to ensure the deceased scholar's work reached a wider audience, a common practice among learned families seeking to enhance their prestige.

Six years after this first publication, Ivan Marija oversaw the release of a second, more focused treatise: Discorso dei flussi e riflussi del faro di Messina, con le regole per saper trovare in che vento si trovi la luna ogni giorno et ogni ora; utilissimo à tutti, et particolarmente à Naviganti (Discourse on the Tides and Ebbs at the Lighthouse of Messina, with Rules for Finding the Moon's Position Relative to the Wind Every Day and Every Hour; Very Useful to All, and Particularly to Navigators). This manuscript, though concise at only eight pages, contained Sagri's precise observations on the timings of tides and ebbs in the Strait of Messina. This narrow passage was arguably the most challenging and vital navigational choke-point in the entire Mediterranean. Sagri had repeatedly used this specific location, the waters before the Messina lighthouse, as a benchmark in his earlier work to illustrate and compare the far more forceful oceanic movements he had witnessed in the Atlantic.

The publication of these works propelled Nikola Sagri into the circle of recognized maritime authors. His contributions were actively discussed and studied by contemporaries and subsequent generations. Among the relevant contemporary works, he is mentioned alongside the Spanish author Pedro de Medina by the German scholar Otto Casmann, who noted that "the mariners who are now among the most expert and diligent are Pedro de Medina and Nikola Sagri." Furthermore, the papal engineer Bartolomeo Crescentio, in his own significant work Nautica Mediterranea (1602), paid a notable tribute, declaring: "the very inquisitive late Nikola Sagri is worthy, among his other works, of eternal memory for the ingenious dialogue he composed on the tides and ebbs." This recognition from a leading figure in naval architecture confirms that Sagri's work was considered a serious and valuable contribution to the scientific discourse of his time.

Finally, regarding the lineage of the Sagri family, it is recorded that in 1595, Ivan Frano Sagri, the son of Nikola, died in Manfredonia. He was buried in Barletta, in the church of St. Andrew, where his maternal grandfather was also interred. His death marked the end of the direct male line of the family, closing a significant chapter in the history of Ragusan maritime intellectualism.

This is a direct copy or detailed description of the original manuscript written by Nobleman Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević):



[13r] Of the Three Principal Measures of a Ship

Chapter VI

The first of the four principal branches of knowledge we have divided into three arts, or distinct skills. The first of these belongs to the art of the shipwright, that is, the master carpenter. This art consists entirely in determining the proper proportions, both for the whole of the ship and for each individual part; that is to say, for the entire vessel as a whole, as well as for each of its separate components, or members. We shall now discuss these individually, particularly the principal ones.

It is generally known that every body possesses three principal dimensions: length, width, and height, or depth, without which it would not be a body. Therefore, every good master must possess particular experience regarding these three measures so that he may be able and know how to determine the exact proportions for every type of vessel, and especially for the nave which we are here discussing.

Were I to treat fully all the individual measures of this ship, and in addition all its parts, the description would become exceedingly long. Yet I shall not err if I mention only the three principal measures of the nave.

A nave must be three times as long po vjetru (along the wind, i.e., from stem to stern on the second deck) as it is wide at its broadest point on that second deck. Furthermore, its height, or as we call it, its depth (upora), measured to this second deck, must be half of that width. This is the most accurate, best, and most appropriate measure imaginable.

Historical Context of Shipbuilding

This passage reflects the sophisticated, mathematically-grounded tradition of Renaissance naval architecture in the Adriatic, particularly within the Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik). The prescribed 1:2:3 ratio for length, width, and depth was not arbitrary but represented an empirical ideal developed through centuries of Mediterranean seafaring. Such proportional systems were crucial for constructing vessels with optimal hydrodynamics, stability, and cargo capacity.

The text highlights a key competitive difference in 16th-century shipbuilding: while the author acknowledges that Genoese, Basque, and Portuguese shipwrights often adhered more strictly to these ideal proportions—resulting in excellent sailing qualities—he argues that Ragusan ships surpassed them due to superior materials and craftsmanship. This included techniques like lead sheathing for hull protection, which enhanced durability against marine borers and added structural strength.

The Shipwright's Craft

The description underscores that shipbuilding was a highly specialized engineering discipline. The shipwright's expertise went beyond simple carpentry to encompass a comprehensive understanding of geometry and structural integrity. The process involved:

Precise Proportional Systems: Establishing the vessel's fundamental dimensions based on proven ratios.

Masterful Joinery: Determining the correct sizes and placements for fasteners, nails, and wooden treenails to create a unified, robust hull.

Waterproofing Techniques: Making the vessel watertight through caulking seams with tarred hemp fibers.

This holistic approach resulted in a "springy, flexible vessel" capable of withstanding the immense and variable stresses of wind, wave, and cargo.

The meticulous attention to both overarching proportions and individual components, as outlined in the manuscript, was a hallmark of the advanced technical literature that enabled Ragusan "argosies" to become renowned for their quality and seaworthiness in Mediterranean and Atlantic trade.



Analysis of a 16th-Century Shipbuilding Treatise: The "As-Dos-Tres" Proportional Rule

[14r] The provided passage is a detailed excerpt from a 16th-century technical manuscript, likely from the Ragusan (Dubrovnik) mariner and shipwright Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević). It outlines a precise, mathematically-grounded proportional system for constructing a large merchant vessel, known as a nave (pl. nave). This text is a prime example of the sophisticated naval architecture knowledge that existed in the Mediterranean during the Renaissance period, moving beyond pure artisanal tradition to a more calculated engineering approach.

Professional English Translation and Contextualization

The text states:

"A nave must be three times as long po vjetru (along the wind, i.e., from stem to stern on the second deck) as it is wide at its broadest point on that second deck. Furthermore, its height, or as we call it, its depth (upora), measured to this second deck, must be half of that width. This is the most accurate, best, and most appropriate measure imaginable, even though in our homeland today, few nave are built in this way. But the old nave were built so, and even today the Genoese still adhere to it, as do the Basques and the Portuguese. Because of this, their nave are better sailers; they sail particularly well to windward and respond best to the helm. If they were built from such good timber and then so well finished and strengthened as ours, without a doubt they would be far better than the Ragusan ones, especially since the above-water parts of their ships would be well executed in this manner. However, since these qualities are lacking in their nave, while ours abound in them, it appears that our ships are not only equal to theirs but far surpass both the mentioned ones and all others in the world."

"The mentioned second deck must be the one below which there is space for the entire cargo when the ship is loaded only with grain. For the height of the upora, which should amount to half the width of the nave, the measurement must be taken in the hold (kaljužnica), starting from the platica (the garboard strake), that is, from the floor timber (madier) at the ship's bottom, and proceeding to the platica of the second deck. This depth, or height, which we call upora, must be divided into five parts. Three parts will occupy the space from the bottom to the first deck, and two parts the space between the first and second decks. The bottom of the nave must be one-third of its width, or three-fifths of the upora, and the same applies to the sternpost (krmena stela). The first deck will be three times as wide as its upora. The wings (krila) at the heads of the first centa (a key frame or floor timber) of the first deck, that is, at the point which will reach the waterline when the ship is loaded, must amount to half of that width. The rake of the stern (nagib krme) at every foot of height, determined by a set square (kutnik), will amount to half the rake, as shown in the margin."

Technical and Historical Analysis

8.1. The Core Proportional Rule: The "As-Dos-Tres" Ratio

The passage prescribes a fundamental ratio of 1:2:3 for the ship's key dimensions. This can be broken down as follows:

Width (Beam) = 1 unit

Depth (Upora) = 1/2 unit** (Half the beam)

Length (Po vjetru) = 3 units** (Three times the beam)

This proportional system, often referred to by historians as the "As-Dos-Tres" rule (from the Italian/Spanish for 1-2-3), was considered the ideal for achieving optimal hydrodynamics. A ship built to these proportions would have a relatively broad beam for stability and cargo capacity, a moderate depth to prevent it from being too "crank" (unstable), and a length that provided good speed and handling characteristics, particularly to windward.

8.2. Comparative Naval Architecture and Ragusan Pride

A fascinating aspect of the text is its comparative analysis. The author acknowledges that Genoese, Basque, and Portuguese shipwrights more consistently adhered to this "ideal" proportional rule, which resulted in vessels with superior sailing qualities ("better sailers," "sail well to windward"). However, he immediately argues that Ragusan ships surpassed them due to two critical advantages:

Superior Materials and Craftsmanship ("Dobra građa" and "Dorađenost"): Ragusan ships were built from higher-quality timber and, more importantly, were more meticulously finished and strengthened. This suggests advanced techniques in joinery, framing, and internal reinforcement that enhanced the hull's durability and longevity.

Advanced Hull Protection: As mentioned in other parts of Sagri's work, Ragusan shipwrights employed lead sheathing on the underwater hull, a technique that protected against shipworms and added structural strength.

This reflects a sophisticated understanding that a perfect design must be executed with superior materials and techniques to achieve true excellence.​

 

[MarisStella]

8.3. Detailed Internal Divisions and Measurements

The text goes beyond the primary ratios to specify internal subdivisions. The depth of the hold (upora) is divided into five parts, with three-fifths allocated to the space below the first deck and two-fifths between the first and second decks. This precise allocation would standardize the internal volume, ensuring consistent cargo capacity and contributing to the ship's longitudinal strength and balance. The specifications for the bottom width, sternpost dimensions, and the "wings" at a key frame demonstrate a comprehensive system where every major component was dimensionally interrelated.

8.4. A Shift in Shipbuilding Practice

The author's note that "in our homeland today, few nave are built in this way" indicates a deviation from this classical ideal in contemporary Ragusan practice. This could suggest evolving ship designs tailored to specific trade routes or cargo types, or perhaps a relaxation of standards in response to commercial pressures. Nevertheless, the text serves to preserve and advocate for what the author considers the scientifically soundest method.

Conclusion

This passage from the Sagri manuscript is not merely a set of instructions; it is a testament to a highly developed, scientifically-grounded tradition of naval architecture in the 16th-century Adriatic. It reveals a culture of shipbuilding that valued both adherence to proven proportional principles and the application of superior craftsmanship and materials. The author's comparative analysis shows a keen awareness of international maritime practices and a confident assertion of Ragusan technical prowess, justifying the renowned reputation of the Ragusan "argosy" throughout the Mediterranean and beyond.



Based on the provided text, here is a translation and analysis using professional English historical vocabulary related to naval architecture and shipbuilding.

Translation into Professional Historical English

The text describes an advanced geometric method for determining the shape of a ship's stem (pramčana karina), attributed to the Ragusan shipwright Nikola Sagri in the 16th century. The passage highlights a shift in design practice and advocates for a new, more precise technique.

The rake of the stem previously amounted to two-thirds more than that, but it is now determined as twice that amount. I, however, advocate that it should be executed in the manner I recently discovered. This involves taking the height of the ship from the bottom to the last centa (a key frame or floor timber), or to the groove of the bulwark in the middle of the tolda (likely the keel or main deck beam). On a plane, a line is drawn equal to this mentioned height. Then, with a fixed compass point at one end of this line, the compass is opened until it reaches the other end. With the compass thus opened, a circle is drawn around, and a quarter of its circumference is taken—this will form the curve of the stem.

This means that for a nave we use as an example, which is 90 feet long from post to post, it will be 30 feet wide and have a depth (upora) of 15 feet. Half of this depth—7.5 feet—is the distance from the second deck to the tolda. [15v] Two-thirds of this measure (5 feet) will then be taken as the height of the bulwark. Consequently, the total height from the ship's bottom to the top of the bulwark amidships will be 27.5 feet. This is the length of the aforementioned line, and this is the distance to which the points of the compass, or valengina as our master shipwrights call it, must be opened, as shown in the previously mentioned example.

Technical and Historical Analysis

This passage is significant as it demonstrates a move from traditional, rule-of-thumb shipbuilding towards a more mathematical and geometrically precise approach during the Renaissance.

Geometric Proportionality: The core of Sagri's method is the application of Euclidean geometry to ship design. The use of a compass to derive the stem's curve from a circle whose radius is based on the ship's key vertical measurement represents a sophisticated attempt to standardize hull forms based on proportional ratios. This method would help ensure that the ship's bow had a structurally sound and hydrodynamically efficient shape.

Precise Nomenclature: The text uses specific terminology from the period, such as:

Pramčana karina: The stem, the main structural element at the bow.

Tolda: Often referring to a deck or a keel-related measurement.

Centa: A frame or floor timber that defines the hull's shape.

Upora: The depth of the hold.

Valengina: A specific term for a compass or caliper used by master shipwrights (protomajstori). This specialized vocabulary underscores the highly technical nature of the manuscript and the expertise of Ragusan shipbuilders.

Advocacy for Innovation: Sagri explicitly positions his technique against an older method ("the rake of the stem previously amounted..."), indicating that shipbuilding knowledge was not static but was being actively debated and refined. His advocacy for a method he "recently discovered" highlights the role of individual experimentation and intellectual contribution in advancing naval architecture during this era.


8.5.1
[16r] The provided passage is a detailed excerpt from a 16th-century technical manuscript, continuing the description of a large merchant vessel, or nave. This segment focuses on the precise dimensions of the hull's structural components and concludes with a calculation of the ship's cargo capacity. The text exemplifies the sophisticated, rule-based system of ship design practiced in the Mediterranean, particularly within the Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik), during the Renaissance period. This approach represents a significant transition in naval architecture, moving from purely empirical craft traditions toward a more scientific methodology grounded in geometry and proportional theory.

8.5.2 Professional English Translation and Contextualization

The text states:

"This nave will have a depth of 9 feet from the bottom, and its width on the first deck will amount to 27 feet, since its upora (depth of hold) will also be 9 feet high. On the sternpost, or the cut of the stern, from the karoca (a specific timber) to the krilo (wing or buttock), it will also be 9 feet. The width of the kriloat the heads of the large centa (frame) of the first deck will be 15 feet. These heads, both at the stern and the stem, must be high enough to reach precisely to where the centa of the second deck would reach if it were extended in a straight line horizontally, parallel to the keel, and equally distant from it, just as these lines of text are set here at equal distances from one another.

Thus, the centa of the first deck will have a curvature, or sweep, equal to the distance between the first and second decks. After a line is drawn from the heads of the stern centa to those of the stem, the distance from this line to the keel should be equal to what the upora of the nave to the second deck must be, which on this ship will be 15 feet. The distance from the heads of the first cent ato those of the second centa will also be equal to the distance from one centa to another at the upora, amidships, that is, 6 feet. Their measurement should not be taken with a set square but according to the same curvature, so that these heads of the second deck's centa remain lower, giving it a lesser sweep.

The first kat (tier or strake of planking) must be a twelfth, or rather an eleventh, of the ship's length po vjetru (from stem to stern). The second kat must add three feet for every step of the first's length, and the third, four feet. This nave will have a cargo capacity of 2500 to 2600 salm iof grain, as we will later demonstrate."

8.5.3 A System of Proportional Interdependence

The most striking feature of this text is the system of proportional interdependence governing the ship's design. The dimensions are not arbitrary; each measurement is derived from a key base measurement, in this case, the 9-foot upora (depth from the keel to the first deck). The width of the first deck (27 feet) is exactly three times the upora, maintaining a consistent ratio. The text further dictates that the curvature of the frames (centa) is determined by the vertical spacing between the decks. This approach ensured the ship's form was harmonious, strong, and hydrodynamically sound. Such rules allowed for a high degree of standardization and predictability in construction, even before standardized blueprints were common.

This methodology aligns with a broader European trend in the 16th century, as seen in contemporary Iberian treatises like Fernando Oliveira's Livro da Fabrica das Naos (c. 1570-1580), which similarly proposed theoretical models for ship design based on proportions related to the keel length. The Ragusan system, however, exhibits its own distinct characteristics and terminology.

8.5.4 Conceptualizing the Hull Form in Three Dimensions

The author uses a sophisticated method to define the ship's three-dimensional shape. The instruction to visualize the heads of the frames on different decks as points connected by lines running "parallel to the keel" demonstrates an advanced understanding of what would later be termed lofting—the process of transferring a ship's design to full-scale timbers. This mental exercise of projecting lines in space to define a smooth, fair hull was a fundamental skill for master shipwrights, moving beyond simple two-dimensional planning. This conceptual framework echoes the intellectual pursuits of Renaissance figures like the Venetian Vettor Fausto (1490-1546), who argued that marina architectura required architecturae profession the science of architecture) based on theoretical principles, not just fabrilis peritia (craftsman's practice).

8.5.5 From Dimensions to Cargo Capacity: The Practical Goal

The passage concludes with the ultimate practical objective: calculating the ship's cargo capacity, estimated at 2500-2600 salmi of grain. This direct link between architectural design and the vessel's economic function highlights the commercial priorities driving naval architecture. The ability to accurately predict tonnage was crucial for shipowners, merchants, and tax assessors, underscoring that shipbuilding was as much a commercial science as a nautical one. The specific capacity mentioned is substantial, reflecting the large size of Ragusan nave (argosies), which were key vessels in Mediterranean and Atlantic trade networks.

8.5.6 The Ragusan Context within Renaissance Technical Literature

As part of a larger manuscript, this text firmly places Ragusan shipbuilding within the broader European tradition of Renaissance technical literature. The meticulous recording of these proportional rules was not merely for personal use but was intended for the dissemination and preservation of knowledge. This reflects a culture that valued empirical knowledge, mathematical precision, and the systematic transmission of craft skills. The renowned durability and quality of Ragusan ships were direct results of this rigorous, rule-based approach, giving them a competitive edge in international trade. This technical sophistication was paralleled by the institutional organization of major maritime arsenals, such as those in Venice and Istanbul, which systematized ship production on an industrial scale.



Conclusion

This excerpt from the Sagri manuscript provides a remarkable window into the intellectual world of the 16th-century shipwright. It reveals a design process governed by a coherent, proportional logic where every element, from the sweep of a frame to the thickness of a plank, was determined by a set of interrelated rules. This was not crude artisanal guesswork but a sophisticated form of engineering that balanced hydrodynamic performance, structural integrity, and commercial utility. The text stands as a testament to the high level of technical expertise achieved in the Adriatic shipyards, which enabled the Republic of Ragusa to become a major maritime power. Its emphasis on mathematical proportion places it at the forefront of a pan-Mediterranean movement that would lay the groundwork for modern naval architecture.


8.6 Chapter VII: On the Calculation by Which the Carrying Capacity of Any Ship is Determined

The provided passage is a detailed excerpt from a 16th-century technical manuscript, continuing the description of how to calculate the carrying capacity, or tonnage, of a ship. This chapter is of paramount importance as it reveals the practical application of the geometric principles outlined earlier, transitioning from abstract design to commercial and logistical calculation. The text exemplifies the sophisticated, rule-based system that was essential for trade, taxation, and ship management in the early modern period.

Professional English Translation and Contextualization

[17r] The text states:

"Every master carpenter ought to know not only how to measure any vessel and by this measurement ascertain its carrying capacity, but also, before the start of the construction itself, he should know how to determine the exact and appropriate measures for any carrying capacity for which the ship is desired to be built. Therefore, it seemed necessary to me to present to you the rule by which this can be easily ascertained.

Thus, if you first wish to know the capacity of any built ship, take from it very carefully the mentioned three principal measures: that is, the length of the ship from post to post, its greatest width on the second deck, and the height in the hold from the lowest floor timber at the bottom to the timber or planking of the second deck.

First of all, you will measure the mentioned height precisely, because one foot of height is equivalent to four feet of length or two feet of width. And when you have taken them, you will reduce each to a number of feet of the common Venetian passo (pace), which contains five feet and corresponds to the geometric pace. To help you understand this better, I provide here in the margin a measure of half a foot.

When you have done this, you will multiply the feet of length by those of width, and then you will multiply the sum of this multiplication, that is, the product, by the feet of height. From this second sum, or product, you will take two-thirds. From this result, you will subtract a maximum of ten percent, or a minimum of three percent, depending on whether the ship is more or less cut away at the bottom and stern, and from the remainder, you will remove the last digit on the right."

Technical and Historical Analysis

8.6.1. The "Master Carpenter's" Dual Role: Builder and Accountant

The text immediately establishes that a shipwright's expertise extends beyond construction to encompass precise calculation. The ability to predict a ship's capacity before building was crucial for securing contracts, estimating profitability, and ensuring the vessel met the owner's commercial requirements. This highlights that shipbuilding was as much a commercial enterprise as a technical craft. The master shipwright was not just an artisan but a technical manager who could translate a client's need for a specific cargo capacity into a set of hull dimensions.

8.6.2 The Algorithmic Nature of 16th-Century Tonnage Calculation

The passage outlines a clear, step-by-step algorithm:

Measure the Three Principal Dimensions: Length (between posts), breadth (on the second deck), and height/depth (of the hold).

Convert to a Standard Unit: Reduce all measurements to feet based on the Venetian passo (a geometric pace of 5 feet).

Calculate the Raw Volume: Multiply Length × Breadth × Height.

Apply a "Two-Thirds" Rule: Take only two-thirds of this initial product. This step acknowledges that a ship's hull is not a rectangular block but a complex, curved shape. Taking two-thirds was a common geometric shortcut in the pre-calculus era to approximate the actual underwater volume of a vessel, which was less than the volume of a box defined by its extreme dimensions.

Apply a Hull-Form Deduction: Subtract 3% to 10% based on the sharpness of the bottom and stern. This is a remarkably sophisticated recognition that hull shape directly affects displacement. A sharper, more "cut away" hull would have less volume than a full, tubby one, even with identical principal dimensions. This adjustment demonstrates an empirical understanding of hydrodynamics and volumetric efficiency.

Final Adjustment: "Remove the last digit on the right," which effectively means dividing the final number by ten. This last step likely served to convert the final figure into a conventional commercial unit, such as the botte or salmi mentioned in other parts of the manuscript, which were standardized units of volume for commodities like grain or wine.​

 

[MarisStella]

8.6.3 Comparative Context: The Venetian Method in a European Landscape

The formula described ((L × B × H × 2/3) - adjustments) is characteristic of Mediterranean tonnage calculation methods. It differs from, for example, the later English "Builder's Old Measurement" (BOM), which used a divisor (e.g., 94 or 100) to convert the product of dimensions directly into "tons burden". The Venetian method's explicit use of the two-thirds rule and a shape-based deduction shows a more geometrically intuitive approach. This methodology aligns with a broader European tradition where regional practices varied significantly, but the underlying principle was universal: to find a reliable, repeatable formula for estimating a ship's cargo volume for commercial and regulatory purposes.

8.6.4 The Manuscript as a Technical Treatise

Including such a detailed calculation chapter firmly places this manuscript within the genre of early modern technical literature that sought to systematize knowledge previously transmitted orally. By committing these rules to writing, the author aimed to preserve and standardize best practices. This reflects the growing importance of naval architecture as a discipline based on defined principles and methods, a movement also seen in the works of contemporaries like the Venetian Vettor Fausto (1490-1546), who argued that shipbuilding required architecturae profession (the science of architecture), not just fabrilis peritia (craftsman's practice).


Conclusion

This chapter on tonnage calculation is not merely a set of arithmetic instructions. It is a window into the commercial and technical mindset of the 16th-century shipwright. The algorithm demonstrates a sophisticated, empirically-derived understanding of geometry and hydrodynamics, allowing for the accurate estimation of a ship's most critical economic attribute: its cargo capacity. The need to account for hull form through a percentage deduction reveals a nuanced approach that goes beyond simple cubic approximation. This text, therefore, stands as a significant record of the practical mathematics that underpinned the maritime trade and naval power of the Republic of Ragusa and the wider Mediterranean world during the Renaissance.





8.7 Chapter VII: On the Calculation of a Ship's Cargo Capacity

The provided passage is a detailed excerpt from a 16th-century technical manuscript, demonstrating the practical application of a geometric formula to calculate the carrying capacity, or tonnage, of a ship. This chapter is of paramount importance as it reveals the sophisticated mathematical principles that underpinned the commercial and logistical operations of early modern maritime trade. The text exemplifies the transition of shipbuilding from a purely empirical craft to a discipline increasingly guided by standardized calculation.

Professional English Translation and Contextualization

[18r] The text states:

"What will remain will be the common salmi of Sicilian measure, which will indicate the carrying capacity of that ship. Let us take, for example, that we have measured a nave and found it to be 18 koraka (paces) long from post to post, which makes 90 feet; 6 koraka wide, which is 30 feet; and 3 koraka high, which is 15 feet. If now 30 is multiplied by 90, the result is 2,700; and then that multiplied by 15 amounts to 40,500. When 13,500 is subtracted from this, which is one third, 27,000 remains, which is two thirds. And when 1,350 is subtracted from that, which is five percent, and which more or less corresponds to every ordinary nave, 25,650 remains. From this, if the last digit on the right is removed, that is, the zero, 2,565 remains, which signifies the number of common Sicilian salmi that the mentioned nave will have to carry.

By this method of measurement, not only can built ships be measured, but the measures for any desired carrying capacity of a ship to be built will also be known. As this measurement is simple, I leave it to you to perform it yourselves."



Technical and Historical Analysis

8.7.1 The Algorithmic Nature of 16th-Century Tonnage Calculation

The passage outlines a clear, step-by-step algorithm that would have been essential for shipwrights, merchants, and port authorities:

Measure the Three Principal Dimensions: The length (90 ft), breadth (30 ft), and height/depth (15 ft) are first standardized into a common unit, the Venetian passo or geometric pace (1 pace = 5 feet), resulting in 18, 6, and 3 paces respectively.

Calculate the Raw Volume: Multiply Length × Breadth × Height (18 × 6 × 3or, in feet, 90 × 30 × 15) to get a preliminary volume of 40,500 (cubic feet).

Apply a "Two-Thirds" Rule: Subtract one-third of the product, leaving two-thirds (27,000). This step acknowledges that a ship's hull is not a rectangular block but a complex, curved shape. Taking two-thirds was a common geometric shortcut in the pre-calculus era to approximate the actual underwater volume, which was significantly less than the volume of a box defined by its extreme dimensions.

Apply a Hull-Form Deduction: Subtract a further 5% (1,350) as an adjustment for the ship's specific shape ("more or less for every ordinary nave"). This deduction accounts for the sharpness or fullness of the hull's form, demonstrating an empirical understanding that different hull shapes would have varying volumetric efficiency even with identical principal dimensions.

Final Adjustment: "Remove the last digit on the right," effectively dividing the final number by ten (from 25,650 to 2,565). This last step converts the final calculated figure into the commercial unit of salmi, a standard unit of volume for dry goods like grain in the Mediterranean.

8.7.2 Commercial and Regulatory Significance

The ability to accurately predict a ship's capacity before construction was crucial for contract negotiations, estimating profitability, and assessing port duties and taxes. This algorithm transformed the shipwright from a mere artisan into a technical manager who could translate a merchant's commercial requirements into a set of precise hull dimensions. The reference to "Sicilian salmi" highlights the standardization of such measurements across Mediterranean trade networks, facilitating commerce and regulation between different states and regions.

8.7.3 Comparative Context: The Venetian Method in a European Landscape

The formula described is characteristic of Mediterranean tonnage calculation methods, which differed from, for example, later English systems. Its explicit use of the two-thirds rule and a shape-based deduction shows a more geometrically intuitive approach than simple cubic approximation. This methodology aligns with a broader European tradition in the Renaissance where regional practices varied, but the underlying principle was universal: to find a reliable, repeatable formula for estimating a ship's cargo volume. Contemporary Portuguese treatises, such as Fernando Oliveira's Livro da Fabrica das Naos (c. 1580), similarly describe methods where ship design was based on proportions related to the keel length, indicating a shared scientific approach to naval architecture across the Iberian and Adriatic maritime powers.

Conclusion

This chapter on tonnage calculation is not merely a set of arithmetic instructions. It is a window into the commercial and technical mindset of the 16th-century shipwright. The algorithm demonstrates a sophisticated, empirically-derived understanding of geometry, allowing for the accurate estimation of a ship's most critical economic attribute: its cargo capacity. The need to account for hull form through a percentage deduction reveals a nuanced approach that goes beyond simple cubic approximation. This text, therefore, stands as a significant record of the practical mathematics that underpinned the maritime trade and naval power of the Republic of Ragusa and the wider Mediterranean world during the Renaissance, embodying the shift towards a more scientific and systematic approach to shipbuilding.


8.8 Chapter VII: On the Calculation of a Ship's Cargo Capacity (Continued)

The provided passage continues the detailed exposition of a 16th-century method for calculating the cargo capacity, or tonnage, of a ship. This section presents an alternative formula to the one previously described, showcasing the practical and adaptable nature of maritime mathematics during the Renaissance period. The text is significant for its demonstration of how different commercial and political contexts, specifically the Kingdom of Naples, required distinct volumetric calculations, reflecting the complex metrological landscape of Mediterranean trade.

Professional English Translation and Contextualization

[19r] The text states:

"I have placed an example of the aforementioned calculation in the margin for your easier comprehension. The ship's capacity could be calculated in several other ways, but I will present only two. The first of these is to multiply the feet of length by the feet of width, and then multiply their product by the feet of height. After you obtain the product of these three numbers, as we demonstrated in the previous calculation for that nave and in the cited example which showed it to be 90 feet long, 30 feet wide, and 15 feet high, and found that when multiplied in the mentioned way, the final product amounts to the stated 40,500 cubic feet.

From this, you now subtract ten percent, which is 4,050, and 36,450 cubic feet will remain. From this, you will subtract the last two digits on the right, that is, the 0 and 5, or 50, and 364 will remain. This number will signify that many kola of capacity for the nave according to the measure of the Kingdom of Naples, where 36 tomini make one kola."

​

 

[MarisStella]

Technical and Historical Analysis

8.8.1 Alternative Algorithmic Approaches to Tonnage

The author's explicit statement that capacity "could be calculated in several other ways" underscores that Renaissance shipwrights and merchants operated with a toolkit of mathematical formulas, not a single rigid standard. The alternative method presented is computationally simpler than the previous one (which involved taking two-thirds of the volume and then a 3-5% deduction). Here, the calculation is streamlined: (Length × Width × Height) - 10%. This simplification likely served for quick estimations or for use in specific commercial contexts where this particular adjustment factor was conventionally accepted.

The subsequent step of removing the last two digits (effectively dividing by 100) functions as a unit conversion, transforming an abstract cubic volume into a specific number of cargo units (kola).

8.8.2 The Metrology of Trade: The Neapolitan Kola and Tomini

A critical aspect of this passage is its reference to the measurement system of the Kingdom of Naples. The text specifies that the final number (364) represents kola, and that one kola is equivalent to 36 tomini. This highlights a fundamental challenge in pre-modern commerce: the absence of standardized, universal units of measurement. Different political entities and port cities used their own defined units. A Ragusan shipowner trading in Naples would have had to understand and apply Neapolitan measures to calculate port duties, charter fees, and cargo sales accurately. The manuscript thus functions not only as a mathematical guide but also as a practical manual for cross-cultural and cross-political trade, providing the necessary conversion factors to navigate the diverse metrological systems of the Mediterranean.



8.8.3. The Manuscript as an Integrated Technical and Commercial Guide

Including this alternative calculation solidifies the manuscript's role as a comprehensive resource for maritime professionals. By presenting multiple methods, the author empowers the reader—whether shipwright, captain, or merchant—to apply the most appropriate formula for a given situation. This adaptability was crucial for the efficient operation of Ragusan maritime enterprises, which engaged in trade across the Mediterranean and needed to interface seamlessly with the administrative and commercial practices of other powers like Spain, Venice, and Naples. The ability to quickly and accurately compute capacity in different local units was as important as the ship's seaworthiness for ensuring profitable voyages.

Conclusion

This brief excerpt on an alternative tonnage calculation provides a fascinating glimpse into the practical mathematics of 16th-century commerce. It reveals a sophisticated understanding of volume calculation and, more importantly, an acute awareness of the complex metrological environment in which trade occurred. The need to specify the Neapolitan kola underscores that successful maritime commerce depended as much on numerical literacy and knowledge of foreign measurement systems as it did on navigation and shipbuilding skills. This text, therefore, is an invaluable record of the intellectual tools that underpinned the economic success of the Republic of Ragusa and its mariners in the early modern period.


[20r] "According to the calculation of 7 common salmi for one kola based on the Sicilian measure, this amounts to 2548 salmi, so this calculation differs from the first one by no more than 17 salmi. This is an insignificant difference for the carrying capacity of a ship of similar size, especially since the ships themselves—because the lines of their hulls are neither completely straight nor completely slanted, and not even all their parts have their measures in equal proportion.

Returning to the third and final method of calculation, I wish for you to perform it with the help of Western Mediterranean measures; that is, to observe how many lakats (cubits) the ship is long, and likewise how many it is wide and high. Multiplying the number of length by width, and their product by the height, as we did with the other two earlier mentioned methods, and after you calculate the product of these two multiplications, you will subtract a quarter from it, and you will take three of its quarters and then subtract five percent from them. What remains for you will be the number of common salmi according to the Sicilian measure, indicating the ship's capacity.

So that you may see that this calculation is consistent with the other two mentioned earlier, you must know that the lakat by which one measures in Italy, Spain, and in the West outside of Venice comprises three pedlja trstike and corresponds exactly to a length of 2 and 1/4 feet, the one we discussed above. Thus, a length of 90 feet amounts to 40 lakats, a width of 30 feet amounts to 13 and 1/3 lakats, and a height of 15 feet amounts to 6 and 2/3 lakats. Multiplied together as above, they amount to 3555 and 1/3 lakats. When a quarter is subtracted from this, which is 888 and 1/3 lakats, almost 2667 lakats remain. And when 133 lakats are subtracted from that, which is five percent, 2534 lakats remain, which relate to the capacity of the naveas shown in the calculation presented here outside the text. Since there is a small difference between this and that calculation, use either all of them or the one that pleases you most."





Technical and Historical Analysis

8.8.4 Recognition of Tolerances and Practical Shipbuilding

The author's introductory remark is profoundly insightful. He dismisses a discrepancy of 17 salmi (approximately 0.7%) between the first two calculations as "insignificant," providing a critical justification: the hulls of ships are complex, curved forms ("neither completely straight nor completely slanted") whose various components do not conform to a single, perfect proportional ratio. This demonstrates a clear-eyed, practical understanding that theoretical mathematical models are approximations of a much more complex physical reality. The shipwright's formula was a tool for close estimation, not an exact science, and the author acknowledges the inherent variability in hand-built vessels. This pragmatic approach is a hallmark of experienced craftsmanship.

8.8.5 The Third Method: Standardization through the Western Mediterranean Lakat

The third method presented is structurally similar to the others—it involves calculating a volume (Length × Width × Height) and then applying a deduction (a quarter, or 25%, followed by 5%). The key difference lies in the unit of measurement: the Western Mediterranean lakat (cubit). The author meticulously defines this cubit as being equivalent to 2.25 feet, allowing for a direct conversion from the earlier examples. By performing the same calculation in a different metrological system and achieving a nearly identical result (2534 salmivs. 2548 salmi), the author powerfully validates the underlying mathematical principle. This shows that the method was robust and transferable across the different commercial spheres of the Mediterranean, from the Adriatic (using Sicilian salmi) to the Western Mediterranean (using the lakat common in Italy and Spain).



8.8.6 The Treatise as a Pan-Mediterranean Commercial Tool

The inclusion and validation of a third method based on a different measurement system transform the manuscript from a local Ragusan technical guide into a comprehensive manual for international trade. A Ragusan shipowner or merchant operating in ports from Venice to Naples to Barcelona would need to understand and convert between these local systems to calculate cargo capacities, negotiate freight charges, and pay port duties accurately. By providing these conversions and demonstrating their consistency, the author equips his readers with the essential mathematical literacy required for successful cross-cultural commerce. This reflects the highly international nature of 16th-century Mediterranean maritime enterprise, where standardizing calculations was key to efficient operation.

8.8.7 Authorial Conclusion: Empiricism and Practical Choice

The author's final instruction is telling: "use either all of them or the one that pleases you most." This indicates that the treatise was intended as a practical guide, not a rigid dogma. The reader, presumably a shipwright, captain, or merchant, is empowered to choose the most convenient or locally acceptable method, confident that each will yield a reliable result. This conclusion emphasizes the empirical and utilitarian nature of the knowledge being transmitted. The goal was not theoretical purity but practical, reproducible accuracy in the service of commerce and shipbuilding.

Conclusion

This concluding section of the chapter on tonnage calculation masterfully ties together the technical, commercial, and international themes of the entire treatise. It reveals an advanced, practical mathematical culture among 16th-century Ragusan mariners, one that understood approximation, embraced multiple metrological systems, and prioritized robust, transferable methods over rigid formulas. The text stands as a significant historical record, illustrating the sophisticated intellectual tools that underpinned the logistics of early modern maritime trade and the Republic of Ragusa's success within it. The author's work is a testament to the blend of geometric reasoning and empirical pragmatism that characterized the best of Renaissance technical literature.

 

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9.0 The Maritime Republic of Dubrovnik: Ships, Statecraft, and the Pursuit of Libertas

Maritime Foundations: Introduces Dubrovnik's strategic position and early maritime development.

Shipbuilding Evolution: Compares the Cog and Nava, highlighting technical advancements.

Golden Age: Details Dubrovnik's peak in trade, diplomacy, and naval power.

Challenges and Resilience: Covers economic shifts and the 1667 earthquake.

Enduring Legacy: Summarizes Dubrovnik's cultural and historical impact.
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9.1 Maritime Foundations of a Republic

The Republic of Dubrovnik, often referred to by its historical name Ragusa, emerged as a remarkable maritime power on the Croatian coast of the Adriatic Sea. Founded in the 7th century on a rocky island called Laus, which provided shelter for Dalmatian refugees from the nearby city of Epidaurus, the city was strategically positioned to become a nexus of maritime trade. What began as a settlement of Latin-Dalmatian founders escaping Slavic invasions gradually evolved into an independent city-state that would deftly balance its sovereignty between major powers for centuries. The city's very existence was tied to the sea—its geographical position at the crossroads of different worlds, religions, and cultures destined it for a maritime vocation.

Despite lacking natural and agricultural resources, Dubrovnik transformed this limitation into a strength by cultivating its intellectual capital and strategic location. The city's prosperity became inextricably linked to maritime trade, with its merchants traveling freely across the Mediterranean and beyond. The Republic's motto, "Libertas" (Latin for freedom), was prominently featured on its white flag, symbolizing not only political independence but also the freedom of commerce that defined its existence. This commitment to liberty was tangibly expressed in 1418 when Ragusa became one of the first states in Europe to abolish slave trading, further reinforcing the principles embodied in its banner.

The administrative framework that supported this maritime republic was remarkably advanced for its time. The Republic received its own Statutes as early as 1272, which codified Roman practice and local customs while including forward-thinking prescriptions for town planning and quarantine regulations. These legal frameworks established the foundation for a society that valued pragmatic governance and social innovation, evidenced by the establishment of a medical service in 1301, the first pharmacy in 1317, a refuge for old people in 1347, and the first quarantine hospital (Lazarete) in 1377. This progressive approach to governance created an environment where maritime commerce could flourish.

9.1.1 The Evolution of Ragusan Shipbuilding: From Cog to Nava

The shipbuilding traditions of Dubrovnik reflected a continuous adaptation to technological innovations and commercial opportunities. The Cog (or "Koga" in local sources) represented the early workhorse of Ragusan maritime enterprise—a sturdy, round-hulled vessel capable of carrying substantial cargo. Typically equipped with a single mast and square sail, the Cog was ideally suited for the Republic's early trade routes throughout the Adriatic and Mediterranean basins. Its robust construction allowed it to weather the challenges of maritime commerce in the medieval period, establishing Dubrovnik's reputation for seaworthy vessels built by skilled local craftsmen.

As commercial ambitions expanded, Ragusan shipbuilders developed the Nava (from the Italian "Nave" meaning ship), a more advanced vessel that would become synonymous with the Republic's golden age of maritime trade. The Nava represented a significant evolution in ship design—larger, more maneuverable, and capable of undertaking longer voyages across the Mediterranean and beyond. These vessels featured multiple masts and more complex rigging systems that allowed them to sail more efficiently against prevailing winds, a crucial advantage for maintaining regular trade routes. The construction of these ships required considerable skill, with Dubrovnik's shipyards becoming centers of technical innovation.

The scale of Ragusan shipbuilding achievements is documented in historical records indicating that by 1570, the Dubrovnik merchant fleet numbered approximately 180 ships manned by skilled seamen who promoted Dubrovnik's spirit of trade and freedom. The Republic's shipbuilding infrastructure expanded to support this growing fleet, with major shipyards operating not only in Gruž (where construction began in 1525) but also at Lopud and Suđurad on Šipan island. These facilities became hubs of technical expertise where master shipbuilders refined their craft, developing vessels renowned for their durability and seaworthiness.

The economic significance of this shipbuilding enterprise was staggering. Historical records indicate that in 1540, the Ragusan navy numbered about 130 vessels with a total capacity of approximately 15,000 "kola" (equivalent to about 23,670 tons), growing to roughly 180 vessels with a capacity of 36,000 "carri" (approximately 56,830 tons) by the 1570s. This fleet was valued at an extraordinary 700,000 gold ducats, testament to the immense economic value of Ragusan maritime enterprise. The continuous refinement of ship designs from the Cog to the Nava represented not just technical progress but the evolving commercial ambitions of the Republic.

9.1.2 Golden Age of Commerce and Diplomacy

The 15th and 16th centuries marked the apex of Dubrovnik's power and influence, a period when this small but remarkably agile republic established itself as a major force in Mediterranean commerce. With shrewd diplomatic maneuvers, Dubrovnik secured favorable trade agreements across the Mediterranean while maintaining nominal vassal status under successive overlords including the Ottoman Empire, which allowed the Republic to maintain its autonomy through tribute payments. This delicate balancing act reached its formal expression on January 18, 1430, when Dubrovnik was officially recognized as the Republic of Dubrovnik, joining Venice and Ancona as one of the most important maritime and commercial centers on the Adriatic.

The territorial expansion of the Republic played a crucial role in securing its economic foundations. In 1391, Dubrovnik added Konavli and Cavtat to its territory, soon followed by the coast to Ston and Klek-Neum. These expansions provided the Republic with strategic depth and valuable resources, including the highly productive salt pans in Ston on the Pelješac peninsula, which became a significant source of wealth. The main products exported from the Republic included brandy, olive oil, dried fruit, salted fish, wine, wool and wool-products, leather, and wax—all transported on Ragusan ships.

Dubrovnik's commercial network extended far beyond the Adriatic basin. At the height of its power, the Republic maintained an impressive consular network that grew to approximately 70 posts around the Mediterranean, facilitating trade and representing Ragusan interests. The city became home to wealthy merchants, shipowners, and bankers, with seamen of international reputation such as Miho Pracat from Lopud Island, who was honored with a monument in the atrium of the Rector's Palace in 1638—the only non-noble to receive such an honor. This recognition underscored the unique social mobility possible within the Republic's commercial society.

The intellectual and cultural life of Dubrovnik flourished alongside its commercial prosperity. The city became a cradle of Croatian literature and a center of scientific innovation, producing figures like Ruđer Bošković, one of the most prominent scientists of the 18th century.

The multicultural character of the city was reflected in its linguistic landscape: while the aristocracy was of Latin extraction and Italian served as the official language of the Republic from 1492, the common people increasingly spoke Croatian, creating a unique cultural synthesis. This harmonious coexistence of different cultures and confessions became a hallmark of Ragusan society, all under the overarching principle of "Libertas" that defined the Republic's identity.

9.1.3 Challenges and Resilience in a Changing World

The 17th century brought significant challenges to the Ragusan maritime empire, testing the resilience of its institutions and commercial networks. A general recession in Mediterranean trade, combined with renewed pressure from Venetian competitors, led to a noticeable decline in the Republic's maritime power.

By the mid-17th century, historical records indicate that the Ragusan fleet had diminished to approximately 100-120 vessels with a total capacity of roughly 12,000 "carri" (about 18,940 tons), with few ships exceeding 100 "carri" (157.8 tons). The consular network, which had numbered 30 in the early 17th century, was reduced to just 8 posts by mid-century.

This period of economic challenge was catastrophically compounded by natural disaster. In 1667, a devastating earthquake struck the Republic, killing over 5,000 citizens and leveling most public buildings. The destruction crippled the well-being of the Republic, damaging both its physical infrastructure and its economic capacity. The earthquake represented a turning point in Ragusan history, from which the Republic would never fully recover its former glory. The reconstruction efforts strained the treasury and diverted resources from maritime enterprises at precisely the time when European commerce was increasingly shifting toward Atlantic routes.

In the aftermath of these challenges, Dubrovnik sought new protective alliances to preserve its fragile independence. On August 20, 1684, the Republic signed a contract with the Habsburgs, renewing the old protection of the Hungaro-Croatian crown (which had transitioned to the Austrian court) for an annual tribute of 500 ducats. This diplomatic maneuver provided a strategic safeguard against increasingly aggressive neighbors, particularly the Venetians who continued to covet Ragusan territories. As sea traffic experienced a minor resurgence in the late 17th century, the Ragusan fleet grew again, and vessels from Dubrovnik increasingly sailed to trans-Atlantic ports, leading to the establishment of numerous maritime insurance companies.

The final challenge to Ragusan sovereignty emerged from revolutionary France. The same power that had destroyed Dubrovnik's centuries-long rival Venice a decade earlier occupied the city on May 26, 1806. The end of the Republic came on January 31, 1808, when Marshal Marmont formally abolished the republic and integrated its territory first into Napoleon's Kingdom of Italy and later into the Illyrian provinces under French rule. Contemporary accounts noted that on the day of surrender, all flags and coats of arms above the city walls were painted black as a sign of grief, marking the conclusion of nearly a millennium of Ragusan independence.

9.1.4 Legacy and Historical Significance

The Republic of Dubrovnik bequeathed a remarkable legacy that extended far beyond its physical boundaries and chronological existence. The enduring principles of liberty, diplomacy, and multicultural coexistence that defined the Republic continue to inspire centuries after its dissolution. The city's unique urban fabric, characterized by magnificent fortifications, public buildings, and private palaces, stands as a testament to its historical prosperity. In 1979, the city of Dubrovnik was added to the UNESCO list of World Heritage Sites, recognizing its outstanding universal value as a preserved medieval city that embodied the highest achievements of Ragusan civilization.

The intellectual contributions of Ragusan citizens left an indelible mark on European science and philosophy. Figures such as Ruđer Bošković (Roger Boscovich in Latinized form), an 18th-century polymath known for his contributions to atomic theory and astronomy, exemplified the scientific excellence nurtured within the Republic's cosmopolitan environment. Similarly, Marin Getaldić (Marinus Ghetaldus), a mathematician and physicist from the late Renaissance period, gained international recognition for his work in geometry and optics. These intellectuals, among others, demonstrated how this small republic produced thinkers of European stature despite its modest size.

The maritime traditions established during the Ragusan era continued to influence Dalmatian culture long after the Republic's dissolution. The shipbuilding expertise developed in Dubrovnik's yards contributed to technical knowledge that would spread throughout the Adriatic region. The distinctive approach to maritime commerce—characterized by entrepreneurship, risk management through insurance instruments, and long-distance trade networks—established patterns that would continue to define Dalmatia's economic relationship with the sea even under subsequent Austrian administration.

Perhaps the most poignant aspect of Dubrovnik's legacy is how its history exemplifies the power of soft power and diplomatic ingenuity. In an era dominated by large empires and military aggression, this small republic maintained its sovereignty for centuries through shrewd statecraft rather than military might. The Republic's ability to balance between major powers while preserving its essential independence offers a historical case study in successful small-state diplomacy. This aspect of Ragusan history resonates particularly in the modern era, as evidenced by the city's symbolic importance during the Croatian Homeland War when it was besieged by Serb forces for seven months in 1991, once again becoming a symbol of resilience and the defense of freedom.
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10.1.0 The Cog: Dubrovnik's Transitional Merchant Vessel in Medieval Maritime Trade

Origins and Adoption: Traces the Cog's arrival in Dubrovnik and local shipbuilders' rapid adaptation.

Technical Innovations: Highlights the hybrid design and advanced features of Dubrovnik Cogs.

Commercial Significance: Explores the Cog's role in Mediterranean trade and economic impact.

Notable Examples: Details specific Cogs and their historical journeys.

Legacy and Transition: Discusses the Cog's evolution into later ship types.
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The Cog represents a remarkable chapter in the maritime history of medieval Dubrovnik (Ragusa), serving as a crucial transitional vessel that connected the Republic to broader European maritime networks. This distinctive ship type, originating in North Sea regions as early as the 12th century, reached the Mediterranean during the 13th century and was rapidly adopted by Adriatic shipbuilders. The swift integration of this Northern European design into Dalmatian shipyards demonstrates both the technical adaptability of Dubrovnik's craftsmen and the Republic's emerging role as a maritime intermediary between different nautical traditions. The Cog's evolution in Dubrovnik reflects a broader pattern of technological exchange that characterized medieval Mediterranean commerce.

10.1.1 Origins and Adoption in the Adriatic

The Cog first appeared in the Adriatic around the 14th century, with documented presence in Boka Kotorska, Dubrovnik, and other Croatian maritime towns. Historical records indicate a significant milestone in 1327 when the first Cog was built in Ancona specifically for a shipowner from Dubrovnik. This was followed in 1358 by a Venetian shipbuilder named Marin constructing another Cog in Dubrovnik's own shipyards for local merchant Marin Gucetic. The rapid local adoption of this foreign design is particularly noteworthy, illustrating Dubrovnik's pragmatic approach to maritime technology.

Dubrovnik's shipbuilding industry quickly mastered Cog construction, with the first Croatian Cog builders emerging by 1370. Notable among them were Niksa Rossi and the brothers Marojc and Torno Bogdanovic, who built a Cog for the Dubrovnik noblemen Dorde Dordic and Petar Crijevic. This vessel featured characteristic elements of the type: a single deck, fore and aft superstructures, two helms, and a crew of fourteen. The significant sale of this Cog in Ancona in 1379 for 2,000 ducats—a considerable sum—testifies to both the quality of Dubrovnik's shipbuilding and the commercial value of these vessels in Mediterranean markets.



Model of Dubrovnik from the mid-15th century, held in the hands of a statue of Saint Blaise (St. Vlaho), depicting Cogs in the harbor. Gilded and wrought silver. From the Church of Saint Blaise in Dubrovnik.

The Cog's design represented a departure from traditional Mediterranean shipbuilding practices. Unlike the sleek, oar-powered galleys common in southern waters, Cogs were sail-powered vessels with rounded hulls and a distinctive single mast carrying a square sail. This design made them particularly suitable for carrying bulk cargo across open waters, offering advantages in capacity and requiring smaller crews compared to oared vessels. Their appearance in Dubrovnik reflects the city's expanding commercial horizons beyond the confined waters of the Adriatic.

10.1.2 Technical Innovations and Design Features

Dubrovnik's shipbuilders did not simply copy the Northern European Cog design but adapted it to local conditions and requirements. While maintaining the essential characteristics that made Cogs effective cargo carriers, they incorporated Mediterranean elements that enhanced their functionality. The standard Dubrovnik Cog of the 14th century typically featured two masts—a main mast with a large square sail and a smaller mizzen mast with a lateen sail. This hybrid rigging combined the downwind efficiency of square sails with the windward capability of lateen sails, making the vessels more versatile in the changeable conditions of the Mediterranean.

The construction details of Dubrovnik Cogs reveal sophisticated shipbuilding techniques. A contract from 1381 provides specific dimensions for one vessel: 12.5 fathoms long (approximately 23.59 meters), with a bottom width of 7.5 feet (2.55 meters), a deck width of 17 feet (5.78 meters), and a height of 8 feet (2.72 meters) from keel to deck. These proportions created the characteristic hull form that made Cogs stable and capacious carriers. The construction method typically employed the "clinker" or "lapstrake" technique, where hull planks overlapped each other like siding on a house, creating a strong, flexible structure well-suited to withstand Atlantic and Mediterranean waves.

These vessels were equipped with advanced nautical technology for their time, including the stern-mounted rudder—a significant improvement over the side-steering oars used on earlier vessels. This innovation, along with deeper holds and higher freeboard, made Cogs more seaworthy than many contemporary Mediterranean vessels. They typically carried multiple anchors (often seven for larger vessels) and several small boats for shore operations, reflecting their role as self-sufficient trading vessels capable of extended voyages.

10.1.3 Commercial Significance and Operations

The Cog emerged as Dubrovnik's premier vessel for extra-Adriatic navigation during the 14th and early 15th centuries. Statistics from this period indicate Dubrovnik possessed approximately twelve Cogs, along with two smaller vessels, eleven navas, one large navis magna, and six barkasijas (barks). The Cog's dominance in long-distance trade reflects its superior cargo capacity and seaworthiness compared to traditional Mediterranean vessels. With the ability to carry 450 Neapolitan barrels (approximately 200 tons of cargo), these vessels became the workhorses of Dubrovnik's commercial expansion.

The typical Cog operation involved commercial navigation between Adriatic and Mediterranean ports, with crews of around thirty men managing both sailing operations and cargo handling. These vessels carried diverse merchandise, including agricultural products, textiles, minerals, and luxury goods. The substantial investment in Cog construction—evident from contracts specifying prices of 300-350 perpers for hull construction alone, with complete vessels valued at up to 1,600 perpers—indicates the economic importance of these ships to Dubrovnik's merchant elite. Their commercial success funded further maritime ventures and solidified Dubrovnik's position as a significant trading power.

The Cog's design made it particularly suitable for the bulk cargo transport that fueled Dubrovnik's economic growth. Unlike galleys, which prioritized speed and had limited storage, Cogs could carry larger volumes of lower-value commodities like grain, salt, and timber, enabling profitable trade even without luxury goods. This capacity aligned perfectly with Dubrovnik's strategy of serving as a commercial intermediary between different regions, transporting essential goods throughout the Mediterranean basin.​

 

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10.1.4 Notable Examples and Historical Journeys
The historical record preserves details of several specific Dubrovnik Cogs that illustrate their construction and operation. The Cog built by Niksa Rossi and the Bogdanovic brothers for Dordic and Crijevic stands out for its documented history of commercial success, remaining in service for over a decade before being sold in Ancona for 2,000 ducats. This longevity was unusual for wooden vessels of the period and speaks to the quality of Dubrovnik's shipbuilding craftsmanship. The vessel's extended service life provided substantial returns on the owners' investment, demonstrating the economic viability of Cog-based trade.
Another significant example appears in contracts from 1381-1382, showing the evolution of a Cog's design during construction. Initially specified at 12 English fathoms long (approximately 22.58 meters) with a bottom width of 7 feet (2.38 meters), the vessel's dimensions were increased mid-construction when merchant Andelo Kaic became a joint owner. The modified design grew to 12.5 fathoms (23.59 meters) with a broader bottom width of 7.5 feet (2.55 meters), indicating how practical experience led to refinements in Cog architecture. This particular vessel later completed a voyage to the Levant, demonstrating the capability of Dubrovnik-built Cogs to navigate the eastern Mediterranean's challenging waters.
By the late 14th century, Cogs had become the largest sailing vessels in Dubrovnik's merchant fleet, with documents referring to them as "navis quadra" and noting features like two helms and two rowboats. The Cog commanded by Nikola Brankovic exemplifies these mature developments, carrying 450 Neapolitan barrels with a crew of thirty and operating between Adriatic and Mediterranean ports. Such vessels represented substantial capital investments but generated corresponding returns through their capacity to transport significant cargo volumes across longer distances.
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Incense Cog (navicula) in the shape of a Dubrovnik carrack, Museum of the Dominican Monastery, Dubrovnik (Photograph).
10.1.5 Legacy and Transition to Successor Vessels

The Cog's dominance in Dubrovnik's extra-Adriatic trade began to wane by the 15th century as new ship types offering improved performance characteristics emerged. The carrack and galleon gradually superseded the Cog, incorporating technological advances that addressed limitations in the older design. These successor vessels typically featured multiple masts with more complex sail plans, improved hull lines for better speed and handling, and greater structural strength that allowed for larger sizes. The transition reflected the ongoing evolution of maritime technology in response to expanding trade routes and commercial demands.
Despite being eventually replaced, the Cog established a technical foundation that influenced subsequent Dubrovnik shipbuilding. The experience gained in constructing and operating these vessels contributed to the Republic's growing maritime expertise, preparing local shipwrights for more advanced designs. The commercial networks established using Cogs continued to function with newer vessels, maintaining Dubrovnik's position in Mediterranean trade. This gradual transition illustrates how maritime technology evolved through cumulative improvements rather than sudden revolutions.
The Cog represents a distinctive transitional phase in Dubrovnik's maritime history, bridging earlier Mediterranean traditions and the age of deep-water sailing ships that would follow. For approximately a century, these vessels enabled the Republic to expand its commercial reach beyond the Adriatic, establishing trading relationships that would flourish with subsequent vessel types. The Cog's story exemplifies Dubrovnik's capacity for technological adaptation and its strategic approach to maritime commerce, characteristics that would maintain the Republic's prosperity for centuries.
The legacy of Dubrovnik's Cogs extends beyond their direct commercial impact to their role in maritime knowledge transfer. Through building, operating, and gradually improving these vessels, Dubrovnik's shipwrights and mariners gained experience with deep-water sailing techniques and vessel management that would prove invaluable as trade routes expanded. This accumulated expertise positioned Dubrovnik to remain a significant maritime power even as ship designs evolved, demonstrating how technological adoption and adaptation contributed to the Republic's enduring commercial success. ​

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10.1.6 The 16th c. Cog: Dubrovnik's Merchant Vessel in the Early Modern Era

What does it mean to have a 16th-century vessel, and what historical period would it belong to, compared to Late Medieval Maritime Trade?
A 16th-century vessel refers to a ship built and used during the years 1501 to 1600. This period falls within the Early Modern Era, a time of dramatic transformation in maritime history.
Comparison: 16th-Century Vessels vs. Late Medieval Maritime Trade
While the 16th century follows the Late Middle Ages, it represents a period of dramatic transformation. The comparison below highlights the key differences.​

Feature​	Late Medieval Maritime Trade (c. 1200-1500)​	16th-Century Vessels & Trade (The Early Modern Era)​
Historical Period​	Late Middle Ages​	Early Modern Era​
Primary Scope​	Regional & Inter-Regional Networks: Connecting established centers (e.g., Mediterranean, Baltic-North Sea link via Hanseatic League, Indian Ocean).​	Globalization & Oceanic Exploration: The first continuous, direct sea links between continents (Europe, Africa, Asia, the Americas).​
Key Ships​	Cogs, Hulks, Mediterranean Galleys, Dhows, Junks. Designed for specific seas (e.g., cogs for the stormy North Sea).​	Carracks, Galleons, Caravels. Larger, stronger, ocean-going vessels capable of long voyages.​
Primary Goal​	Luxury Goods & Controlled Trade: Transporting high-value, low-bulk goods (spices, silk) along established routes controlled by middlemen.​	Colonialism & Direct Access: Bypassing intermediaries (like the Italian and Arab merchants) to access the source of wealth, and establishing trans-oceanic empires.​
Maritime Technology​	Important but regional innovations: Lateen and square-rigged hybrids, stern-post rudders, magnetic compass.​	Revolutionary ocean-going technology: Much larger hulls, complex rigging (full-rigged ships), advanced navigation techniques for open oceans.​
Economic Model​	Trading-Post Empire & City-States: Networks of ports and factories (e.g., Hanseatic League, Venetian Empire, Dubrovnik).​	Worldwide Colonial Empires: Nations (Spain, Portugal, later England, France, Holland) claiming vast territories for resource extraction.​
Context & Consequence​	Laid the commercial and technical groundwork for the Age of Discovery.​	The "Age of Discovery" itself. This period saw Columbus (1492), Vasco da Gama (1498), Magellan (1519-22), and the resulting Columbian Exchange.​

The 16th Century as a Pivotal "Bridge" Period
A 16th-century vessel, therefore, was a tool of a new, global age. It belonged to the era of:
· Vasco da Gama reaching India by sea (1498).
· Spanish Galleons crossing the Atlantic and Pacific to establish the Manila-Acapulco trade route.
· The rise of powerful, centralized nation-states (Spain, Portugal, England, France) competing for global dominance, eclipsing the medieval model of city-states and leagues.

Bonda Triptych in the Dominican Church of Ragusa
Born c. 1460 Cattaro, Republic of Venice
Died 26 November 1517 (age 56–57) Ragusa, Republic of Ragusa
Other names Nicholas of Ragusa
Known for Painting
Works Bonda Triptych Annunciation Giorgi Altarpiece

Detail: Model of Ragusa held by Saint Blaise

The 16th c. Cog: Dubrovnik's Merchant Vessel in the Early Modern Era, ZP, above, and an AI reconstruction, below

In summary: While a vessel from 1550 would still recognize and share technology with a vessel from 1450, its purpose, range, and the world it operated in were fundamentally different. The 16th-century ship was no longer just a participant in regional trade networks; it was an instrument of globalization, empire, and a new world order.​

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10.2.0 Ragusan Carrack - Nava (16th Century)

In Ragusa, navas were merchant ships with a capacity of up to approximately 400 Ragusan wagons.

Merchant Ragusan ships sailed along three main routes:

Western Route

These were the largest and best ships, whose capacity brought fortune to their owners and to the Republic. These vessels were large carracks and galleons. Their hulls were covered with large lead plates and sheets coated with black paklina—a mixture of pine resin and asphalt extracted from the earth's surface. The ships were equipped with the best possible defensive artillery, as mandated by the Republic's laws.

The largest carracks, with capacities of up to 1200 Ragusan wagons, were called Argosyes—the legendary mark of these glorious vessels that brought fortune to their owners. They sailed to Genoa, the Basque Country, Flanders, and the ports of old England.

Ragusan captains would pay up to 1000 ducats (the currency of the time) to port managers to secure priority loading for their merchants ahead of competitors. This practice clearly demonstrated that "time is money." One English lord, a port manager, reported such a situation to the king's office in a detailed letter that has been preserved. This appears to be the first recorded case of reported corruption in maritime trade.

Eastern Route

These were smaller navas and galleons that sailed to the Orient. A high level of defensive artillery was not required for this route.

Small Route (to the Venetian Republic)

Ships sailed between Venice, Ragusa, and Istanbul. They served the shallow harbors of the Gulf (as the Venetians called the Adriatic Sea). These vessels were smaller but still well-protected with artillery due to the violent and numerous pirates around Omiš and its surroundings. These pirates hated the Ragusan fleet because Ragusa paid taxes to the Ottoman Empire—the main and only enemy of the Neretvans and other pirate groups. The conflicts were not about seizing cargo but about elimination.

Serving shallow harbors required ships with shallow drafts. These were specially designed vessels, including some small navas and newly designed ships like the trabaccolo and brazzera from Venice. They had no lead sheathing and were not equipped with high-level defensive artillery.


Ragusan Carrack – Nava, about 215 Ragusan wagons 16th century, MM, left, and an AI reconstruction, right

Ragusan Carrack was designed by a famous reconstructor and architect Stijepo Osghian. The constant visitor of the Ragusa Museum Archive. He has done reconstructions and museum exhibitors of a few Ragusan ships. Later, these ship models were developed.

The author of the Nava on the upper photograph is Mladen Mitic who was Stijepo's student and become the leading master in this category.



10.2.1.1 The Concept of Arboragi (Jarbolarina) in Nikola Sagri's Il Chartigatore (1570)

Introduction

The term arboragi (or its variant arboraci), which translates to "jarbolarina" in Slavic, is a central concept in the maritime economics and administration of a 16th-century Ragusan (Dubrovnik) vessel as described by Captain Nikola Sagri in his manuscript Il Chartigatore. This term does not refer to the ship's physical masts or rigging (Italian: alberi), but rather to a specific financial account or fund used to cover the operational expenses of a voyage. The provided text, specifically in Chapter 16 of the first book, offers a rare and detailed glimpse into the composition and management of this fund, reflecting the sophisticated commercial practices of Ragusan maritime enterprise.

Definition and Primary Function

Sagri defines the arboragias the account into which all incidental expenses incurred for the benefit of the ship are placed. It is a central ledger for costs that are not directly part of the cargo or the crew's wage share but are essential for the operation and maintenance of the vessel during the journey. The primary purpose of this fund is to centralize these expenses so they can be properly accounted for before the final profit is distributed among the ship's owners (partecipi).

As Sagri states in the manuscript (c. 66v):

"La prima partita che intra nelli arboraci si è la spessa cibaria et hogni altro avantaggio, cioì che si dase al butaro si mette ne l'harboraco."

("The first entry that goes into the arboragiis the expense for provisions and every other advantage, that is, what is given to the cooper is put into the arboragi.")

This indicates that the arboragiis the first financial obligation to be settled from the voyage's earnings.

Detailed Composition of the Arboragi (Jarbolarina)

Sagri meticulously lists the various types of expenses that are charged to the arboragifund. The provided text allows for a comprehensive itemization of these costs:

Victualling and Supplies (spessa cibaria): This is the foremost expense. It includes the cost of food and drink for the crew. The text specifies that all provisions fall under this category.

Payments to Onshore Specialists: The fund covers fees for craftsmen whose services are required for the ship's upkeep. The example given is the payment to a cooper (butaro), who was likely hired to maintain or repair barrels for storing water, wine, or cargo.

Crew Vows and Religious Offerings (Hogni votto): Any vow (votto) made by the crew, presumably for safe passage or deliverance from a storm, and the associated financial offering, is recorded in the arboragi. This highlights the deep interweaving of religious practice and daily maritime life (c. 67r).

Expenses for Shore Missions: If the ship's patron (padrone), scribe (scrivano), or any other person goes ashore on official business for the benefit of the ship, their expenses are covered. This includes:

Travel Costs (spessa cibaria e le chavalcature): The cost of provisions and horse hire for these missions is charged to the fund (c. 67v).

A Standard Allowance for Illumination (Quantto si costume meter per loglio et le candelle): A fixed amount for oil and candles used during the voyage is also included in the arboragi(c. 67v).

Harbor Dues Paid to the State (I dua arboraci che si pagano a li nostri illustrissimi Signori): Significantly, the term arboragiis also used for the harbor dues or taxes paid to the Ragusan government (the "Most Illustrious Signors"). The text mentions two such payments (dua arboraci), indicating that these state levies were considered a fundamental operational cost of the voyage and were managed through the same account (c. 67v).





Administrative and Legal Context

The management of the arboragiwas not arbitrary but followed strict procedural rules, underscoring the legalistic and meticulous nature of Ragusan commerce:

Priority of Claims: The arboragi, along with the crew's advance pay (imprestitto), constituted the primary debt (il primo debitto) that had to be paid to the ship's owner from the voyage's earnings. A sailor could not claim his share of the profits (la parte del guadagnio) until these advances and expenses were settled (c. 71r).

Dual-Bookkeeping for the Mess Account: The text prescribes careful accounting for the victualling expenses. The scribe (scrivano) was required to maintain two separate, identical ledger books for the ship's mess (messa di prova). One was kept by the scribe and the other by the purser (penesse), ensuring transparency and preventing fraud (c. 74v).

Separate Ledger for Advances: Furthermore, the scribe was obligated to keep a separate book specifically for recording the individual advances (inprestitto) given to each sailor, which would later be deducted from their share (c. 74v).



Ragusan Carrack – Nava, about 215 Ragusan wagons 16th century, MM

Conclusion

In Nikola Sagri's Il Chartigatore, the concept of arboragior jarbolarina reveals itself to be a sophisticated financial and administrative tool. It was not merely an expense account but a fundamental component of maritime venture accounting, ensuring that all operational costs—from basic sustenance and state taxes to religious offerings and specialist fees—were transparently recorded and deducted before profits were calculated. This system highlights the advanced level of commercial organization in the Dubrovnik Republic during the 16th century, where clear financial governance was as crucial to successful navigation as skilled seamanship. Sagri's detailed description provides an invaluable primary source for understanding the economic underpinnings of Renaissance Mediterranean shipping.

10.2.1.2 Hull Form and Structure of 16th-Century Dubrovnik Merchant Ships

Extracts from the expert work "Prolost za Buducnost" (The Past for the Future) by Luciano Keber, offers critical insights into the naval architecture of 16th-century Dubrovnik (Ragusa), with a focus on the galijun (galleon). Based on historical analysis of shipbuilding contracts and iconographic sources, the text describes a vessel whose design was defined by a robust, capacious hull form, optimized for the dual demands of merchant carrying capacity and seaworthiness on long-distance voyages.

10.2.2 Hull Form: The "Navis Rotunda" Principle

A fundamental characteristic of the Dubrovnik galleon was its classification as a "Navis Rotunda" (Round Ship). This term, as used in contemporary sources, serves as a synonym for a vessel that is "short and stout" (kratak i debeo). This design philosophy prioritized a beamier and deeper hull compared to the sleeker lines of specialized warcraft like galleys. The resulting form was inherently zdepast (stocky), maximizing internal volume for cargo storage—the paramount requirement for a successful merchant vessel. The text suggests a typical length-to-beam ratio of approximately 3:1, which was common among Mediterranean merchant ships of the era. This proportion offered a stable platform for carrying goods and withstanding the variable conditions of open-sea passages.

10.2.3 Structural Framework: The "Heart-Shaped" Frames

The most significant technical detail highlighted in the text is the construction of the hull using "srcolika rebra" (heart-shaped frames). This design feature, identified through the research of scholars like V. Bonačić, was a distinctive and advanced technique for the period. Unlike the more common, gently curved frames, the heart-shaped design would have created a hull with a particularly full and strong midsection, tapering towards the bottom. This configuration offered several advantages:

Structural Strength: The shape would have contributed to a very rigid and robust hull, capable of enduring the stresses of long ocean voyages and heavy cargo loads.

Volumetric Efficiency: The pronounced curvature allowed for a greater beam and hold capacity at the waterline, directly supporting the ship's primary function as a cargo carrier.

Hydrodynamic Properties: While not explicitly detailed, such a frame shape would have influenced the vessel's stability and handling characteristics, likely making it a steady, if not exceptionally fast, sailor.

This innovation is noted as a testament to the high skill of Dubrovnik's shipwrights and represented a notable contribution to the shipbuilding techniques of the time.





10.2.4 Bottom and Keel Construction

The construction of the vessel's bottom was a critical aspect of its durability. The text implies a robust building method where the hull's strength was derived from an integrated framework. Key structural elements mentioned include:

Longitudinal Reinforcement: The hull was reinforced with longitudinal members, specifically "kontracente" (inner longitudinal straps or stringers) working in conjunction with the external "centa" (a key longitudinal timber, likely related to the keel or a wale). Together, these elements formed a "solid backbone" (čvrstu okosnicu) for the entire ship, essential for maintaining hull integrity over time.

Knee Joints: The specific mention of "koljena" (knees) being installed as needed, particularly in the stern and stem, indicates careful attention to reinforcing the critical, complex joins where transverse frames met the curved sternpost and stemson. This practice prevented racking and ensured the hull remained orsionally stiff.

10.2.5 Conclusion: A Design Optimized for Commerce

In summary, the hull of the 16th-century Dubrovnik galleon, as described by Keber, was a through advanced heart-shaped frames and a heavily reinforced structure, produced a vessel that was exceptionally strong, capacious, and seaworthy. This design philosophy underpinned the success of the Ragusan maritime enterprise, allowing its Argosiesto safely transport valuable cargoes across the Mediterranean and beyond, thereby securing the Republic's position as a major naval power during its golden age. The heart-shaped frames, in particular, stand as a fingerprint of the technical ingenuity achieved in the Adriatic shipyards of the period.

Ragusan Galleon

16th ct. Luciano Keber



Ragusan Galleon 16th ct. Luciano Keber



Ragusan Galleon 16th ct. Shallow bottom, and ordinary bottom.

Luciano Keber



Shallow Bottom Construction of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) Ships

The text explains that the shipbuilders of Perast constructed their vessels with characteristically low and wide hulls. This specific design was not arbitrary but a direct and practical adaptation to their operational environment.

The primary reason for building ships with this shallow draft was to navigate the specific hydrographic conditions of their key trading routes. These routes included the coasts of Albania and the port of Venice, areas known for having many shallow waters (pličine) and sandbanks, particularly at river mouths and in harbors.

A wide, shallow-bottomed hull was essential for these ships to safely access these ports and navigate the coastal areas without running aground. Therefore, the design was a necessary response to the geographic and nautical requirements of their commercial network.




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[MarisStella]

10.3.0 The list detailing the ships of the (Dubrovnik) Ragusa Republic from 1584 to 1654, organized by their home ports.
Ships of the Dubrovnik (Ragusan) Republic (1584-1654)
The merchant fleet of the Dubrovnik Republic during this period was extensive and strategically organized. The primary vessel types mentioned are the Karaka (Carrack), Galijun (Galleon), and Nava (Nave). The capacity is measured in kola (singular: kolo), a local unit.
Here is the translated and structured list:​

Location / Island​	Ship Type​	Captain (Original/Italianized Name)​	Capacity (kola)​	Ship's Name (Original/English Translation)​
A) City of Dubrovnik (Ragusa)​
Carrack​	Janko Petrović (Jako Pjerutović)​	900​	"S. Antonio di Padova" (St. Anthony of Padua)​
Galleon​	Lukarević (Lucari)​	600​	"S. Anna" (St. Anne)​
Carrack​	Menčetić (Menze)​	700​	"S. Nicolo" (St. Nicholas)​
Galleon​	Bazeli (Bassegli)​	600​	"Il Ss. Rosario" (The Holy Rosary)​
Carrack​	Stijepo Bošin (Bošćina)​	700​	"S. Croce" (Holy Cross)​
Galleon​	Stijepo Bošin (Bošćina)​	500​	"S. Domenico" (St. Dominic)​
Carrack​	Antun Marnica (Mrvica)​	800​	"S. Francesco di Paola" (St. Francis of Paola)​
Galleon​	Getaldić (Ghetaldi)​	500​	"S. Raimondo" (St. Raymond)​
Galleon​	Vanđelista (Vangelista)​	600​	"Ss. Filippo e Giacomo" (Sts. Philip and James)​
Carrack​	Ivan Paskov (Ivo Paskvale)​	700​	"S. Vincenzo" (St. Vincent)​
... (and 45 more entries for Dubrovnik)​
B) Island of Koločep (Calamotta)​
Carrack​	Vodopija​	700​	"La Madonna del Rosario" (Our Lady of the Rosary)​
Galleon​	Vodopija​	600​	"S. Raimondo" (St. Raymond)​
Nave​	Vodopija​	360​	"S. Francesco" (St. Francis)​
Nave​	Vodopija​	350​	"S. Giuseppe" (St. Joseph)​
Nave​	Vodopija​	400​	"S. Tommaso" (St. Thomas)​
Nave​	Pavo Rusić (Rusci, Rusko)​	250​	"S. Salvatore" (Holy Savior)​
Galleon​	Stjepović (Stjepčević, Stefani)​	500​	"La Madonna di Loreto" (Our Lady of Loreto)​
C) Island of Lopud (Mezzo)​	​
Nave​	Balakić (Ballacchi)​	450​	"S. Croce" (Holy Cross)​
Carrack​	Pracat (Pracatović)​	750​	"S. Giacomo" (St. James)​
Carrack​	Pracat (Pracatović)​	950​	"S. Catterina" (St. Catherine)​
Carrack​	Pracat (Pracatović)​	700​	"S. Nicolo" (St. Nicholas)​
Carrack​	Martolosić​	800​	"S. Vincenzo" (St. Vincent)​
Galleon​	Martolosić​	500​	"S. Domenico" (St. Dominic)​
... (and 32 more entries for Lopud)​
D) Island of Šipan (Giuppana)​
Carrack​	Skočibuha​	1200​	"La Ss. Nunziata" (The Holy Annunciation)​
Carrack​	Skočibuha​	900​	"Il Ss. Rosario" (The Holy Rosary)​
Galleon​	Skočibuha​	660​	"La Madonna della Misericordia" (Our Lady of Mercy)​
Galleon​	Skočibuha​	530​	"La Madonna del Carmine" (Our Lady of Mount Carmel)​
Carrack​	Marčelić (Marcelli)​	720​	"S. Antonio di Padua" (St. Anthony of Padua)​
... (and 12 more entries for Šipan)​
E) Town of Slano​
Carrack​	Ohmučević-Grgurić-Ivelja​	1000​	"S. Girolamo" (St. Jerome)​
Carrack​	Ohmučević-Grgurić-Ivelja​	900​	"S. Cosmo e Damiano" (Sts. Cosmas and Damian)​
Carrack​	Ohmučević-Grgurić-Ivelja​	700​	"S. Antonio di Padua" (St. Anthony of Padua)​
Carrack​	Ohmučević-Grgurić-Ivelja​	700​	"S. Francesco" (St. Francis)​
Carrack​	Ohmučević-Grgurić-Ivelja​	800​	"S. Rocco" (St. Roch)​
... (and 27 more entries for Slano)​
F) Town of Trsteno (Cannosa)​
Carrack​	Petar Markov​	800​	"Madonna del Rosario" (Our Lady of the Rosary)​
Nave​	Petar Markov​	400​	"S. Domenico" (St. Dominic)​
Nave​	Indian (Indiano)​	300​	"Santa Croce" (Holy Cross)​
Nave​	Indian (Indiano)​	400​	"Santa Lucia" (St. Lucy)​
Galleon​	Indian (Indiano)​	500​	"S. Bonaventura" (St. Bonaventure)​
... (and 14 more entries for Trsteno)​
G) Town of Zaton (Malfi)​
Nave​	Bakaljauš​	450​	"S. Antonio di Padua" (St. Anthony of Padua)​
Galleon​	Bakaljauš​	500​	"S. Maria" (St. Mary)​
Nave​	Pavo Mihov​	400​	"S. Michele Arcangelo" (St. Michael the Archangel)​
Galleon​	Benderić (Bendeviš)​	500​	"S. Vincenzo" (St. Vincent)​
Galleon​	Đurović​	550​	"S. Salvatore" (Holy Savior)​
H) Town of Gruž (Gravosa)​
Carrack​	Komardalović​	700​	"La Madonna del Rosario" (Our Lady of the Rosary)​
Galleon​	Bogeta​	530​	"S. Croce" (Holy Cross)​
Nave​	Bogeta​	400​	"S. Maria Maddalena" (St. Mary Magdalene)​
I) Town of Cavtat (Ragusavecchia)​
Nave​	Dominković​	300​	"S. Domenico" (St. Dominic)​
Galleon​	Spičarica (Spičarić)​	500​	"S. Antonio di Padua" (St. Anthony of Padua)​

Key Observations from the List
· Sacred Naming Convention: The overwhelming majority of ships are named after saints, Marian titles (e.g., Our Lady of the Rosary), and religious concepts (e.g., Holy Cross, Mercy). This reflects the deep intertwining of Catholic faith with the maritime and commercial life of the Republic.
· Impressive Scale and Capacity: The list showcases a large and diverse fleet. The carracks were the largest vessels, with capacities often exceeding 700 kola, and some, like the carrack belonging to Skočibuha from Šipan, reaching 1200 kola.
· Geographical Distribution: The fleet was not concentrated solely in the city of Dubrovnik but was spread across its territories, including the nearby islands of Šipan, Lopud, and Koločep, as well as coastal towns like Slano and Trsteno. This indicates a decentralized but well-organized maritime enterprise.
· Prominent Maritime Families: The list records the names of numerous captains, many of whom belonged to established Ragusan noble and maritime families such as Bona, Bošković (Bosco), Crijević (Cerva), Gradi, Gundulić (Gondola), Ohmučević, Palmotić, and Sagri (Sagroević).
This detailed record provides a fascinating snapshot of the naval power that underpinned the prosperity of the Dubrovnik Republic during its golden age.


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[MarisStella]

10.4 Lokrum, 1513. Carrack, approximately 600 Ragusan wagons

"The Dubrovnik Carrack, Karakun, of 1513, of the Mariner Marko Kolendić, from the Annunciation Predella by Nikola Božidarević"
Here is a breakdown of the translation for clarity:​

Original Term​	Translation / Explanation​
Dubrovacki Karakun​	The Dubrovnik Carrack (A "carrack" was a large sailing ship common from the 14th to 16th centuries)​
1513.​	1513 (The year the artwork was created or the ship was launched)​
pomorca Marka Kolendica​	of the Mariner (or Seafarer) Marko Kolendić​
s predele Navjestenje​	from the Annunciation Predella (A predella is the lower part or base of an altarpiece)​
Nikoke Bozidarevica​	by Nikola Božidarević (A renowned Renaissance painter from Dubrovnik)​

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10.5 The Dubrovnik Carrack: A Maritime Powerhouse of the Renaissance
· Historical context of Carracks: Explains the rise and significance of Dubrovnik's carracks in 15th–16th century European trade.
· Etymology of "Argosy": Traces the term's origins to Ragusa (Dubrovnik) and its association with valuable cargo vessels.
· Economic advantage: Details the profitability and operational costs of Dubrovnik's maritime ventures.
· Technical innovations: Highlights unique shipbuilding features like heart-shaped frames.
· Cultural legacy: Describes artistic depictions and the decline of carracks in the 17th century.​

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During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the expansion of global maritime trade created a pressing demand for larger, more robust vessels. It was within this context that the carrack emerged as a dominant ship type. While many European maritime nations utilized carracks, the Republic of Ragusa (modern-day Dubrovnik) developed a distinct and highly regarded variant, often referred to in historical sources as the Dubrovačka karaka (Dubrovnik Carrack). These vessels became synonymous with capacity, durability, and the transport of precious cargoes across the Mediterranean and Northern Europe.

The relief depiction of a Dubrovnik carrack on the Resti house, 16th century.
A key testament to the prominence of Ragusan carracks is found in the English language itself. The term "argosy," which originally denoted a remarkably well-built large merchant vessel carrying valuable goods, is linguistically derived from "Ragusa," the historical name for Dubrovnik. Contemporary sources, including the Encyclopaedia Britannica, record "argosy" as being directly connected to the carrack and specifically to merchant ships from Ragusa and other Adriatic ports. The evolution of the word through variations like ragusyes, arguzes, and finally argosies underscores the deep association in English ports between these large, valuable merchantmen and the Republic of Dubrovnik. This connection was significant enough to be employed by William Shakespeare, cementing the argosy's place in the English literary and maritime imagination.
Economic Drivers and Maritime Excellence
The motivation for Ragusan seamen to undertake the long and perilous voyage to England was rooted in the potential for extraordinarily high profits. A new carrack represented a substantial investment, costing between 5,000 and 6,000 ducats. When combined with insurance, crew pay, port charges, and other expenses, the total outlay for a single voyage could reach 7,000 to 9,000 ducats. However, the financial returns were immense. Larger ships could load 600 to 700 barrels, with freight charges of 6-7 ducats per barrel, generating revenues of 3,400 to 4,800 ducats per voyage. This favorable ratio between investment and earnings was such that the profits from a single successful voyage could nearly cover the entire cost of a new ship, making subsequent voyages almost pure profit for the Dubrovnik shipowners.​

Silver ex-voto of a 16th-century Dubrovnik galleon, from the Church of St. Nicholas on Danče in Dubrovnik.

This commercial success was built upon a reputation for quality. The contemporary Italian maritime expert P. Pantera, in his work L'Armale Navale, ranked the shipping of Dubrovnik first, above Genoa and England, noting that it was "the largest and most highly regarded by all". This high regard was a direct result of the superior shipbuilding skills of Ragusan shipwrights. Research by scholars like V. Bonačić has revealed that Dubrovnik's carracks were constructed with unique heart-shaped frames, a rare and advanced technique for the era that contributed to the hull's strength and seaworthiness. This innovation distinguished the Dubrovnik carrack from other vessels and was a testament to the local master builders' expertise.
The copy-drawing of a Ragusan ship from around 1600 — silver votive tablet from Lopud. In the illustration, as well as on the original silver ex-voto of a 16th-century Dubrovnik galleon, it is noticeable that the third, mizzen mast has most likely been removed for some unknown reason, while a smaller, auxiliary fourth mast—often termed a Bonaventura mast—remains in place.

Technical Specifications and Distinctive Features
The Dubrovnik carrack was an unusually large vessel for its time. Historical sources indicate that their capacity typically ranged from 600 to 800 carri (approximately 945–1,260 tons), with the largest examples reaching 1,300 carri (around 2,050 tons). Based on analyses of artifacts such as a silver navicular (ship model) from the Dominican Monastery in Dubrovnik, a carrack of 900 carri (1,420 tons) would have measured approximately 38-40 meters in length, 14-15 meters in width, and 9-10 meters in height, with a draft of about 5 meters when fully loaded.
Their distinctive features included a round, tubby hull and relatively restrained forecastle and stern castle (poop deck) superstructures compared to some European designs. The stern was cut and cornered, featuring a tall, narrow rudder. They were typically three-masted vessels (mainmast, mizzenmast, and foremast), equipped with a bowsprit. The mainmast and foremast carried square sails, while the mizzenmast was rigged with a lateen sail. A figurehead, often in the form of a dolphin's head, was mounted under the bowsprit. For protection of their valuable crew and cargo, these carracks could be armed with up to 40 cannons. Constructed from high-quality timber and employing advanced techniques, the Dubrovnik carracks were renowned for their longevity, often lasting up to 40 years—twice as long as similar ships elsewhere in the Mediterranean and Europe.
Legacy and Representation in Art
The appearance of these vessels is documented in several valuable historical and artistic sources from the sixteenth century. For instance, two reliefs on the house of the Resti family in Dubrovnik depict carracks with detailed sail arrangements. However, the most precise representation is likely the silver navicular from the Dominican Monastery, which beautifully renders details like the planking, planks, and even the wooden nails used in their construction.

The Dubrovnik Karakun, the largest merchant ship in the world in the 16th century, MM
Of particular historical significance is the altarpiece The Annunciation by Nikola Božidarević, painted in 1513. The patron who commissioned this work was the mariner Marko Kolendić, who had sailed to England. The altarpiece includes a representation of Kolendić's ship. While the accompanying inscription uses the general term nava for a ship, the depiction leaves no doubt that it was a karakun—a large Dubrovnik carrack—distinguished by its elongated aft superstructure. This artistic evidence confirms that Ragusan shipwrights were not merely copying designs but were creatively adapting and improving upon them, incorporating features from other ship types like galleys to enhance their functionality. This innovative approach earned them high praise from contemporaries across Europe.
Conclusion: The End of an Era
In the second half of the seventeenth century, trade with England began to decline as Dubrovnik's seafaring activities entered a period of crisis due to a confluence of geopolitical and economic factors. Consequently, the fame of the specialized Dubrovnik carrack began to wane. These grand vessels gradually lost their primacy to newer ship designs, such as the galleon. Nevertheless, the advanced technical knowledge and maritime heritage cultivated during the carrack's heyday remained a precious and foundational part of Dubrovnik's history, marking its golden age as a major naval power in the Mediterranean.

10.5.1 The Foundations of Ragusan Maritime Prowess: Regulation and Knowledge
10.5.2 Early Regulatory Frameworks
Ragusan maritime excellence was institutionalized early. The document references systematic oversight of ship loading beginning as early as 1312. This was formalized in 1361 with the landmark law "De oneratione navigiorum fienda" (On the Stowage of Ships). This regulation was pioneering; similar laws in Western European countries would not appear until the 17th and 18th centuries. In 1390, the state further bolstered its fleet by proclaiming subsidies for building large vessels, with strict conditions and obligations for owners, ensuring high standards of construction and seaworthiness.
10.5.3 The Intellectual Architect: Nikola Sagri and the Science of Shipbuilding
The cornerstone of Ragusan technical knowledge is the work of Nikola Sagri (Sagrojević), a 16th-century mariner, shipwright, and scholar. His 1574 manuscript, "Ragionamenti sopra la varietà de i flussi et riflussi del Mare Oceano Occidentale" (Discourses on the Variety of the Tides and Ebb and Flow of the Western Ocean), represents a high point of applied naval architecture. Sagri did not merely describe shipbuilding; he provided a mathematical framework for it.
He established ideal proportional ratios for vessel construction. For a "nava" (a large merchant ship), he prescribed a keel-width-to-beam ratio of 1:3. Furthermore, the depth of the hold (upora) should be half of the beam. He argued this was the "most accurate, best, and most appropriate measure imaginable," noting it was the standard followed by the Genoese, Basques, and Portuguese, whose ships were renowned as excellent sailors.
Sagri also provided detailed formulas for calculating a ship's cargo capacity (salmi), involving measuring length, width, and depth, multiplying them, and then making precise deductions (e.g., two-thirds of the product, minus 5-10%). This mathematical rigor transformed shipbuilding from a craft based on tradition to one guided by engineering principles.

10.5.4 The Ragusan Fleet: Vessel Typology and Technical Specifications
10.5.5 The Carrack (Karakun) – The Apogee of Ragusan Shipbuilding
The Carrack was the largest and most famous Ragusan vessel, the true "argosy" of English literature—a term derived from "Ragusa."
· Design and Dimensions: Ragusan carracks were colossal. They were known for their distinctive "heart-shaped frame" (rotonda konstrukcija), a Ragusan innovation that provided superior hull strength. A large carrack could measure 38-40 meters in length, with a beam of 14-15 meters and a depth of 9-10 meters. Their capacity ranged from 600 to over 1,300 carri (approx. 945 to 2,050 tons).
· Durability and Quality: A key advantage was their longevity. Built from high-quality timber (like oak from the hinterlands) with superior craftsmanship, Ragusan carracks could remain in service for up to 40 years—reportedly twice as long as many Mediterranean counterparts. This made them a highly profitable investment.

10.5.6 The Fleet Registry
The document provides an extensive registry of the Ragusan fleet from c. 1584-1654, listing hundreds of vessels by name, captain, home port, and capacity. This registry is an invaluable resource, demonstrating that ship ownership was distributed among a class of citizen-capitalists from various city districts and islands (e.g., Šipan, Lopud). The names of the ships, often dedicated to saints (e.g., "San Giovanni," "Santa Maria"), reflect the deep religious sentiments of the era and the practice of seeking divine protection for perilous voyages.
10.5.7 Ragusan Mariners in International Service
Ragusan sailors and shipwrights were highly sought after by foreign powers, particularly Spain.
· Vic Martološić: In the 1640s, this Ragusan was commissioned by the Spanish Crown to draft new shipbuilding regulations (ordenanzas). He introduced a key design innovation: a keel-width-to-beam ratio of 1:3. This advice directly influenced the construction of a new Spanish admiralty ship in 1649, which showed a 5% improvement over its predecessor.
· The Ohmučević and Mazibradić Families: These families produced several admirals for Spain. The document describes how Ragusan commanders and their ships played crucial roles in major naval engagements, such as the battle against the Dutch fleet of Maarten Tromp in 1639, where a Ragusan carrack was noted for being "unbeatable."
Conclusion
The decline of Ragusan maritime power in the late 17th century, hastened by a devastating earthquake in 1667 and shifts in global trade, should not obscure its monumental achievements. For over three centuries, Ragusa was a central node in a globalizing world.
The republic's success was built on a powerful synergy: state support (subsidies, the 1361 law), technical innovation (Sagri's ratios, Martološić's reforms, the heart-shaped hull), and individual enterprise. Ragusan shipbuilders thought like engineers, and Ragusan mariners sailed like diplomats, navigating not only the oceans but also the complex politics between empires.
The documents analyzed herein, particularly the work of Nikola Sagri, are not merely historical records; they are testaments to a sophisticated scientific tradition. They reveal a culture that mastered the sea through intellect, skill, and courage. The Ragusan "argosy" was more than a ship; it was the embodiment of a small republic's colossal ambition and its enduring contribution to naval architecture.
An Expert Analysis of Ragusan Naval Architecture: The Carrack, Nava, and Galleon (14th-17th Centuries)
Date: December 28, 2025
Name: Zuan
Title: Project Manager
Focus Areas: Research and Design
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