17th Century Ship Design and the Sovereign of the Seas (1637)

I think we also have to keep in mind that the sovereign is an in between design. Before the sovereign ships had stern galleries like we see on the Prince Royal designed and build by Pett. You would expect a similar construction is the SotS also designed by Pett and build by his son.
I find the protruding stern galleries the most likely construction, it is covering the old open stern galleries which were fully intergrated in later ship design.
You also see this in the Culver model.
Screenshot_20241209_142301_Google.jpg
20230413_134917.jpg20230413_134923.jpg
 
Last edited:
I think we also have to keep in mind that the sovereign is an in between design. Before the sovereign ships had stern galleries like we see on the Prince Royal designed and build by Pett. You would expect a similar construction is the SotS also designed by Pett and build by his son.
I find the protruding stern galleries the most likely construction, it is covering the old open stern galleries which were fully intergrated in later ship design.
You also see this in the Culver model.
View attachment 489118
View attachment 489119View attachment 489120
That is excellent circumstantial evidence, Maarten. Thanks!
 
Maarten
Thanks for your post, it was very informative. And, for what it's worth, I agree: the Sovereign is an "in-between" source. The pictures of the Culver model are helpful.

As to Kurt's previous comment, I think is a fun (but long) discussion. So, to continue it for a bit, I'd add that the while picking and choosing various aspects of a ship that one thinks are right is works in theory, but it is problematic in practice. "Picking and choosing" often results in picking those aspects from an artistic representation that best fit someone's preconceived notions about what the Sovereign looked like. McKay's plans for this ship seem to be a good example of this. Also, I know from bitter experience that this doesn't work. I was repeatedly sure that this ship just had to be a certain way, and that anyone who thought otherwise was a complete idiot. So, I'd proceed to draw a sheer plan based on my certainty. These plans never worked out. I was the complete idiot. I was wrong every time.

To be sure, all representations of the Sovereign likely contain some errors, some of which are big, some of which are small. This is why I used a mathematical approach. This approach provided an objective result free from my preconceived notions. II also allowed me to rapidly test different hypotheses. I could have never done this by drawing plans by hand. Drawing many plans is tedious, and drawing is subject to errors (this is especially true when I draw something because, by now, it should be obvious that I can't do it).

Consider the Pett painting of which I am so fond, and look at the relationship between the upper main wale and the third-from-aft port on the lower gun deck on my plans. It is closer to the gun port than Pett shows, and it looks more like Payne engraving than the Pett painting, even though I started with the latter. I was sure this was wrong. Therefore, I mathematically tested various hypotheses by fiddling with the heights of the wale's fore and/or aft ends, the heights of the gun ports above the decks (because the vertical spacing between the ports on all three gun decks is equal, this involves changing the ports' heights on all three decks, and "drawing" all of the wales and rails), and the rises of the deck's fore and aft of the midship bend (all three decks and all the wales and rails must again be "redrawn").. In the process, I probably "drew" over a hundred plans. I never came up with a circle that produced an upper main wale that looked like Pett's and also yielded other wales and rails that appropriately related to the gun ports on other decks. The result is that I may have found a small error in the Pett painting.

The point of all this is to say that it is, indeed, possible to start with a single representation of this ship and detect certain possible errors in it. However, one must use an objective way to detect those errors. My concern is that "picking and choosing" is not optimally objective. "Picking and choosing" is partly why there are so many different interpretations of what this ship looked like. It seems as if everyone picks and chooses something different from something someone else picked and chose.

I'll close by adding that I am not claiming that my approach is perfect. Near the beginning of this thread, I rambled on for a long time about how this is only an approximation of the Sovereign. Some uncertainty will always remain. However, I do think that the methods used here are an improvement over the way ships have been previously reconstructed. They bring a more objective (i.e., scientific) approach to bear.
 
Agreed. This is the Seppings model. Given the plans upon which it appears to be based, it probably represents the rebuilt (as opposed to repaired) Sovereign.
 

Section V: The Stern​

General Appearance​

The shape of the Sovereign’s stern has been the subject of controversy. The issue is whether it had a round tuck or square tuck stern. For this discussion, we can think of the tuck as that part of the stern that lies below the counter[1]. When this part of the stern is flat, the stern is called a square tuck stern. When the planking along it is curved, the stern is said to have a round tuck. Whether the tuck is square or round depends on the position of the fashion piece.

The fashion piece on a ship with a square tuck stern runs along the angle of the sternpost (the sketch in Figure 65 depicts this). On a round tuck stern, the fashion piece is moved forward, and away from the post (Figure 16 in the section on the sternpost shows the position of a 17th century fashion piece on a ship with a round tuck stern). It also runs at an angle, so it is relatively close to the post at its top, and further far from the post at its bottom. This movement of the fashion piece away from the post causes the planking between the fashion piece and the post to curve.

Round tuck sterns were refined during the first half of the 17th century. Initially, separate planks were used along the tuck, so no steam-bending was necessary. Later, the planking along the ship’s side was steamed, so it could be bent over the fashion piece and continue along the tuck on its way to the post.


Figure 65. The Fashion Piece on a Square Tuck Stern
1734709819736.png
Figure 66 shows these two versions of a round tuck stern as well as a square tuck stern. The image on the left shows the square tuck stern on the Swedish warship Vasa (1627). The center image is an example of an early version of the round tuck stern on the Dutch East Indiaman Batavia (1628). Two layers of planking were used on the upper part of the stern visible in this image. They were sawn into shape using a special mold (van Duivenvoorde 2015, pg 93-97). The image on the right shows the round tuck stern on a replica of another Dutch East Indiaman, the Amsterdam (1748).

Round tuck sterns were more expensive to build, but: (a) provided greater strength; (b) provided better water flow the to the rudder which facilitated better steering; (c) were more aesthetically pleasing, and; (d) were less liable to leak than square tuck sterns. (Goodwin 1998, pgs 60-61)


Figure 66. Round and Square Tuck Sterns

1734709859953.png
The square tuck stern is that of the Vasa (photo by Jonathan Cardy – Own work, November, 2015, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=45380642). The early round tuck stern is that of the Batavia (photo by Don Hitchcock, October, 2015, https://www.donsmaps.com/batavia.html, Source: The Shipwreck Galleries, Western Australia Museum, Fremantle, Western Australia). The round tuck stern is of the Amsterdam (photo by McKarri, Self-Photographed, July, 2009, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Amsterdam-Heck.JPG.)

There is strong evidence that the Sovereign had a round tuck stern. Such a stern is suggested by the shading at the stern of the Pett painting (Pett has also shaded the area around the bow, so his shading is meant to represent curvature). A painting by Knyff (Figure 71) and a 1673 drawing of the Sovereign by van de Velde (Figure 32) also show that the Sovereign had a round tuck stern. These three portrayals are all consistent with the idea that no large English ship was built with a square tuck stern after the early 1620’s. (Fox, Personal Communication)

Saying the Sovereign had a round tuck stern leads us to ask whether it was more like the later round tuck stern, or more like the earlier one. Although no definitive answer is possible, it is plausible that the stern was more like the latter. This is suggested the stern shown in a drawing by a van de Velde the Elder, and from about 1634, of what appears to be and English third rate ship with such a stern (Howard 1979, 103) This drawing is shown in Figure 67. It could be what is portrayed in a drawing attributed to Lely (Figure 68 and Figure 70). (
P 2020)

Figure 67 An Early, English Round Tuck Stern
1734710836837.png
The argument that the Sovereign had a square tuck stern comes from a painting known as “Peter Pett and the Sovereign of the Seas” (Figure 68). According to the Royal Museums at Greenwich, it was painted around 1645-1650. It has been attributed to the Dutch artist Peter Lely, but it is not certain he really was the artist. Nevertheless, I will refer to the painting as the “Lely painting.” Since it provides the only evidence suggesting the Sovereign had a square tuck stern, it is worth discussing in detail.

There are several noteworthy oddities in this painting. Of interest here is that only the starboard side of the Lely painting shows a square tuck. The port side shows a round tuck. (Anderson 1913) However, the portrayal of the Sovereign’s starboard side is problematic. It was restored, and the restoration is not accurate. The misshapen starboard, upper, centermost gallery window is evidence of this.

We find another oddity when we try to determine which the decks the painting’s guns are on. As R.C. Anderson has pointed out, (Anderson 1913) although the lowest row of starboard gun ports appears to be on the lower gun deck, this may not be their true location. If it were, the uppermost guns would have to be those on the half deck, and these would probably not be visible from the stern. Anderson also notes that the “lower dead-eyes of the main shrouds can be seen just level with the middle tier of guns shown, and this proves almost conclusively that those must be the middle-deck guns.” The guns below them are thus those of the lower gun deck, and the painting’s lowest row of ports are ports that did not exist on the Sovereign (see Figure 68). Anderson continues by saying “This being so, we have to seek an explanation of this row of port-lids, and this can probably be found in the work of the restorer. There is no need to look far for evidence of his activities; they are shown clearly enough by the fact that the ship appears to have a round tuck on the port side and a square tuck on the starboard. One side must have been ‘touched up’ and to judge from the general run of the planks it is the starboard side that has suffered most. It is, too, on this side that the supposed port-lids appear; surely the man who could make half of a round stern square would be able to transform a dimly seen wale into a row of projecting port-lids.” (Anderson 1913) These conclusions have been echoed by others, who note that the square tuck stern and the row of “impossible” gun ports below the lower deck may be the work of “an ill-advised restorer.” (Fox, Great Ships 1980, 44)


Figure 68. R.C. Anderson’s Criticism of the Lely Painting

1734709955816.png

Note: Painting from the National Maritime Museum

There is another potential problem with the Lely painting, and this one pertains to both sides of the ship, not just the starboard side. Explaining this problem requires that we first consider the relationship between the gallery rails that run along the ship’s side, and the rails along the stern. This requires some nomenclature. I will use the Payne engraving for this. It shows that the Sovereign’s lower quarter gallery sits within a space defined by the lower channel wale near its bottom, and by the upper wale near its top. In between these two wales are three rails, which I have labelled wales 3A, 3B, and 3C. Just above the upper wale is another railing, rail 5A (Figure 69). This latter rail runs just above the windows along the lower quarter gallery. Rails 3A and 3B are particularly important to the present discussion.

Figure 69. Naming the Lower Quarter Gallery Rails

1734709983210.png

The quarter gallery windows and rails wrap around the stern and stay at the same heights, so it is not surprising that the Lely painting shows the corresponding rails (Figure 70). Notice that the upper gun deck’s chase ports are shown as lying below rail 3B, and that a decoration surrounding these ports fills in the space between this rail and the port. Also, notice that the upper gun deck’s stern chase ports are very close to rail 3A.

Figure 70. Stern Rails on the Lely Painting
1734710041761.png
Note: Painting from the National Maritime Museum

A painting by Jacob Knyff shows something different. The painting is anachronistic because it purportedly shows the Sovereign in 1673, but “It may be that Knyff used an earlier picture as his guide, perhaps one dating from the 1650’s.” (Fox, Great Ships 1980, 44) The portion of the painting relevant to the present discussion is shown in Figure 71. Although the Knyff painting (Figure 71) shows the same stern wales and rails as the Lely painting, Knyff shows rail 3B as cut by the upper gun deck’s stern chase ports, and the decoration that surrounds them is now between the port and rail 3C. Also, the height of the upper gun deck’s stern chase ports above rail 3A is now about equal to the diameter of these ports. Frank Fox maintains that, in some ways, this is a more accurate representation of the Sovereign’s stern. (Fox, Personal Communication)

Figure 71. Stern Rails on the Knyff Painting

1734710082015.png
Note: The painting shows that the long extensions of the quarter galleries have been removed. Also notice that there are windows at the quarter galleries’ aft ends. The Lely painting does not show these windows. It cannot be conclusively determined whether the difference is a result of an error in one of the paintings, or the result of a modification that Knyff correctly portrays. It is, however, preferable to portray the Sovereign with these windows. (Fox, Personal Communication) Also, Knyff portrays the quarter gallery windows as rectangular. This was not the case when the Sovereign was launched. Pett, Payne, and van de Velde all portray them as arched..

We can evaluate Fox’s suggestion by examining the spaces between the relevant wales and rails when we make the stern chase port’s size and height above the deck equal to those of the ports on the ship’s side, and employ the spacing between rails suggested by the Pett painting. This is shown in Figure 72. The figure also shows how this deck’s stern chase port aligns with the rails as they wrap around the stern. Under these conditions, rail 3B is cut by the chase gun port just as it is in the Knyff painting, and the height of the upper gun deck’s stern chase port above rail 3A is about equal to that port’s diameter, which is also like Knyff.

The discrepancy between Knyff and the Lely painting arises because the latter has placed the upper gun deck’s chase ports too low. Putting them so close to rail 3A also puts them too close to the upper gun deck. We can see that Lely has appropriately placed the rail at the quarter gallery’s floor (there are what appears to be gilded gallery supports below the rail), but this rail is immediately above the lower channel wale which, in turn, is also near the deck. Therefore, rail 3A in the Lely painting must also lie very near the upper gun deck. In fact, the painting suggests the chase ports are no more than 8 to 10 inches above it. As suggested by Figure 72, shifting the chase ports downward by about this much places them below rail 3B, but it is highly unlikely that the Sovereign was built with chase ports so close to the deck.

Putting the ports too close to the deck seems to be the only plausible way to make the stern look like the Lely Painting. When we attempt to do so by rearranging rails 3A and 3B, and simultaneously retain Pett’s flush decks and heights, we cannot place the port below rail 3B without substantially deviating from the gallery rail spacing suggested by both the Pett painting and the Payne engraving. For example, we must raise rail 3B by 16 inches just to clear the port, and then by an additional few inches to make room for the decoration surrounding that port. This compresses the space between rails 3B and 3C to almost nothing. The failure of these rearrangements to produce a satisfactory result is further evidence that it is incorrect.

McKay’s plans produce a stern that looks like the one portrayed in the Lely painting. To accomplish this, McKay had to erroneously place the stern windows higher than those that run along the quarter galleries. Ironically, the fact that he could only replicate the Lely painting by misplacing the stern windows is evidence that this painting is incorrect.


Figure 72. Schematic Representation of the Sovereign’s Stern and Gallery Rails
1734710884011.png
Note: “UGD” stands for upper gun deck. The upper gun deck’s top (shown in black) coincides with the top of rail 3A. All rails are two inches wide. Heights of one rail above another refer to the height of the top of one rail above the top of the rail just above it. There are 84 inches (7 feet) from the top of the lowest rail (rail 3A) to the top of the highest one (rail 5A). The height of the upper gun deck is show as the height of its aftmost end at the ship’s side. When compared to Knyff painting, the port drawn here appears disproportionately large with respect to the windows. However, Knyff portrays the lower tier of windows as somewhat larger than the ports along the sides of the upper gun deck, Both Pett and Payne portray the quarter gallery windows as about the same size of these ports. The implication is that Knyff’s windows are too large.

We can, however, make slight adjustments to the ports. The dimensions shown in Figure 72 leave only two inches between the port’s top and the bottom of rail 3C. This means there are only two inches of space for the decoration that surrounds the port. Some modelers may find this too small, and choose to reduce the port’s diameter by a few inches and/or reduce its height above the deck by a similar amount. Some modelers may also find that the rails shown in Figure 72 are too narrow (the figure depicts them as two inches wide). The rails can easily be widened a bit so long as the spacing between their tops remains as shown in the figure.

The rails for the upper quarter gallery, like those of the lower quarter gallery, wrap around the stern. The spacing between the rail tops of the upper gallery are the same as those as between the analogous rails on the lower quarter gallery (Figure 73).


Figure 73 Quarter Gallery Dimensions
1734710173016.png
Note: Rail heights are from the top of one rail to the top of the rail above it. All gallery rails are assumed to b 2 inches wide. The chase port “folded” across the rail that bisects it on the actual ship.

There are two more problems with the Lely painting. The first is that both quarter galleries are shown as horizontal. As discussed in the previous section, this is incorrect. The Sovereign’s galleries, like those of other ships of its time, sloped. The second is that the painting suggests the rudder head, and hence the tiller, is above the middle gun deck’s chase ports (see Figure 70). This does not conform to contemporary building practices, in which the tiller ran under the middle gun deck.

In summary, if we are to believe that the Sovereign had a square tuck stern, we must believe the Lely painting. It is the only evidence for such a stern, and it comes from only one side of the ship. However, this painting contains several errors, and leads to dimensions that are, at best, difficult to obtain. Believing that the Sovereign had a round tuck stern makes it like similar ships of this era. It seems more reasonable to use the Knyff painting, which also shows a round tuck stern, as a guide. A later drawing by van de Velde (see Figure 17) is also useful, though it must be used cautiously. [2]

There are two final details about the stern that deserve mention. Deane tells us that the “upright of the stern” (i.e., the stern’s upper part) should rake “something less” than the sternpost. The stern rake on the current plans is five feet, which qualifies as “something less” than the post’s rake of 8 feet. Also, and as previously discussed, notice that the Knyff painting shows that the stern galleries are rounded. This is contrary to many models of the Sovereign, which portray them as flat. The rounding cannot be seen in the Lely painting because it was made from directly behind the stern. The current plans draw the stern galleries as projecting two feet aft of the quarter gallery’s aft end.


References​

Anderson, R.C. 1913. "The Royal Sovereign of 1637." The Mariner's Mirror 3 (6): 168-170.

Anderson, R.C. 1913. "The Royal Sovereign of 1637." The Mariner's Mirror 3 (4): 109-112.

Fox, Frank. 1980. Great Ships. London: Conway Maritime Press.

—Personal Communication

—Personal Communication

Goodwin, Peter. 1998. The Influence of Industrial Technology and Material Procurement on the Design, Construction and Development of the H.M.S. Victory. June. Vol. Thesis. Ann Arbor, Michigan: ProQuest LLC.

Howard, Frank. 1979. Sailing Ships of War 1400 - 1860. New York: Mayflower.

P, Mark. 2020. Sovereign of the Seas: Square Tuck or Round Tuck. Nautical Res
arch Guild. May 29. Accessed February 17, 2021. https://modelshipworld.com/topic/24438-sovereign-of-the-seas-square-tuck-or-round-tuck/.

van Duivenvoorde, Wendy. 2015. Dutch East India Company Shipbuilding: The Archeological Study of Batavia and other Seventeenth Century VOC Ships. College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press.



[1] Another meaning of “tuck” relates to the rising line of the floor.
[2] The Sovereign had been extensively modified by the time of van de Velde’s drawing. Part of these modifications involved removing the quarter galleries’ extensions, and replacing the original stern lantern with a smaller one. Notice that, unlike the Lely painting, the tiller on van de Velde’s drawing is correctly placed. Van de Velde also shows the lower row of stern gallery windows as square, which is like those shown by Knyff. The Lely painting shows them as arched. It cannot be determined whether this is another error in the Lely painting, or the result of a modification made after this painting was completed.
 
Last edited:

The Stern (continued)​

The Wing Transom’s Width​

The stern’s widest point is defined by the wing transom’s width. Wing transoms were narrow in the early 17th century out of belief that a narrow stern was needed to keep the ship’s weight near the midline.

When the Treatise describes the wing transom’s width, it does so indirectly. It thinks of the width as what is left over after the greatest narrowing is subtracted from the breadth. It tells us that “some make it ½ the breadth and so the greatest narrowing is one fourth thereof. The best proportion is 10/19 of the whole breadth.” The Sovereign’s breadth is 46 feet 2 inches, so the greatest narrowing should be:


1734711731737.png

When we compute the wing transom’s width from this, we wind up with a little more than 21 feet 10 ¼ inches. Phineas Pett gives tells us the Sovereign’s wing transom was 28 feet wide. Although this is bigger than the Treatise’s “best proportion,” it was small for a 3-decked ship. The resulting small cabins led to complaints, so the transom was later widened. (37) Ironically, it was subsequently found that narrow transoms allowed a better run aft, so the first-rates of the Queen Anne and early Georgian periods reverted to the proportions of the original Sovereign. (44)

Contemporary sources provide only sketchy information about the wing transom’s other dimensions. For example, Deane tells us it should be 1 ½ feet thick on a first rate ship, but says nothing about its curvature. The Treatise does not provide any information about its thickness or curvature.
 
Hmmm. I have no doubt that I fouled up, but I can't find where it missing. Maybe I actually left in a reference to an attachment I later decided not to include. At any rate, if possible, please give me some more info about where its missing, and I'll fix it.
 
Hmmm. I have no doubt that I fouled up, but I can't find where it missing. Maybe I actually left in a reference to an attachment I later decided not to include. At any rate, if possible, please give me some more info about where its missing, and I'll fix it.
Nevermind Charlie, the bad link seems to have disappeared. Your message looks okay now. Perhaps I was reading your message as you were editing it. That happens to me sometimes. Other members sometime read my posts while I am making changes.
 
Yup, I'll bet it was while I was editing. One reason I thought a fouled up was that I did foul up several times, so I had to edit and re-edit. It took me a bit of time, and that's probably when you were reading.
 
Hi Charly. Love your work.
Regarding Batavia she had a square tuck construction with just a second layer of curved sawn planks at the waterline to protect the underlaying planks at the square tuck against rot at the plank ends.

Will you also discuss the rising and narrowing lines of the ship? Looking forward to it. Keep it coming.
 
Maarten,
Yes, I will discuss the rising and narrowing lines. The next section will be a short one of the fashion piece, and that will be followed by a discussion of these lines. I admit, though, I am still trying to figure out how to write that material. It can get long and mathematical.
 

The Stern (continued)​

The Fashion Piece​

The fashion piece gets its name because it fashions the shape of the stern. Ships had two fashion pieces, one on each side. Figures showing one of the fashion pieces on an early 17th century ship with a round tuck stern were presented in the section on the stern post, and a figure showing a fashion piece on a ship with a square tuck stern is in the section about the stern’s general appearance.

Discussion of the fashion piece marks a significant change in any reconstruction of the Sovereign. We are now no longer able to use dimensions that Phineas Pett provides, or reliable artwork. Consequently, anyone who attempts to reconstruct the Sovereign can only produce something they think looks like it, and others may reasonably disagree. Indeed, this sort of guessing characterizes almost all the subsequent reconstruction, and the analogous parts of all other reconstructions of the Sovereign.

Most models of wooden ships are built without fashion pieces because the stern’s shape can be reproduced by other means. However, their position must be considered when developing new plans because, in a ship with a round tuck stern, this position tells us where the shape of the hull’s main body stops being defined by the rising and narrowing lines of the floor and breadth, and where we start rounding these lines to form the stern. This contrasts with a ship that has a square tuck stern. With them, the same curve continues from the midship bend all the way to the post (which is where the fashion piece is).

On ships with a square tuck stern, the fashion pieces were firmly attached to the sternpost below the waterline. (Kenchington 1993) Determining the fashion piece’s shape was difficult, so Swedish shipwrights (and perhaps others) may have re-used the shape of a previously successful fashion piece on another ship. (Rose, 2014, pg 272) The common thinking at this time was that placing the fashion pieces relatively high along the sternpost would result in a faster ship, but placing it lower would lead to greater cargo capacity. The Dutch shipwright, Nicholas Witsen adopted a compromise position. He suggested that fashion piece’s base should be approximately halfway along the length of the sternpost. (Rose, 2014, pg 274)

The fashion piece of a ship with a round tuck stern is the ship’s aftmost complete frame, (Lavery 1984, pg 34) even though it is not at the post. This frame, however, is different from the others. Its vertical plane is at an angle with respect to the keel, while the vertical planes of the other frames on the ship are perpendicular to the keel. This arrangement means that the fashion piece’s shape is not captured by the sheer plan, the body plan, or the half breadth plan. Shipwrights, therefore, had to use a special procedure to determine its shape. One way to do this involved transferring the ship’s widths (as shown by the waterlines on the half breadth plan) along the fashion piece’s plane (which was shown on the sheer plan (Endsor 2020, pg 208)) (this was mentioned in the section on the accuracy of early 17th century plans). Whether this method was used for the Sovereign, which was built before waterlines were used, is uncertain. However, as previously mentioned, special lines that ultimately were extended to become waterlines could have been used.

I have placed the fashion piece so that its aft face is three feet fore of the post at the level of the wing transom, and four feet fore of it at a height of 16 feet above the keel (this is the height of the tuck, which will be discussed later). It is depicted in Figure 74.


Figure 74. The Plane of the Fashion Piece

1734881228492.png

Note: the figure depicts the plane of the fashion piece’s aft side.

Deane tells us that the fashion pieces on a first rate ship should be 1 foot ½ inch wide. Battine’s 1684 survey puts them at 1 foot wide.

References​

Endsor, Richard. 2020. The Master Shipwright's Secrets. New York: Osprey Publishing.

Kenchington, Trevor. 1993. "The Structure of English Wooden Ships: William Sutherland's Ship ca 1710." The Northern Mariner 3 (1): 1-43.

Lavery, Brian. 1984. The Ship of the Line. Vols. Volume II: Design, Construction and FIttings. Londin: Conway Maritime Press.

Rose, Kelby James. 2014. "Naval Architecture of Vasa, A 17th-Century Swedish Warship." Doctoral Dissertation. College Station, Tx: Texas A&M University, August.

—. 2014. The Naval Architecture of Vasa, a 17th-Century Warship. Doctoral Dissertation: Texas A&M University.
 

Section VI: The Rising and Narrowing Lines​

Overview​

The rising and narrowing lines are used to make the bends progressively smaller as they move away from the midship bend. Specific information about the Sovereign’s rising and narrowing lines has not been found, so we must seek a substitute.. Of necessity, the substitute used here, and in any reconstruction of the Sovereign, is speculative. The present plans use the Treatise’s system, but I have modified the calculation of some lines to be more appropriate to the Sovereign. Some of these modifications employ using dimensions provided by Phineas Pett.

The Treatise describes three different rising lines, and three associated narrowing lines. Working from top to bottom, the Treatise calls these lines the toptimber line, the rising aloft, and the rising alow. I use modernized nomenclature for the latter two lines, calling them the upper rising (or narrowing) line, and the lower rising (or narrowing) line, respectively.

The toptimber rising line, is almost an afterthought in the Treatise. Its author focuses on the other two lines, and ascribes different functions to them. The upper line is thought to affect how a ship steered, whereas the lower one was thought to affect how it sailed. He thus tells us that “the chiefest cause of going and steering well ariseth from the way of the ship fore and aft, which depends on the narrowing and rising aloft, and for the bearing of the sail from the narrowing and rising alow, that the luff and quarter be kept full and in such proportion to one to the other and both to the midships that all parts may bear together.”

The lower rising line was particularly important to shipwrights. Deane’s discussion of rising lines is mostly devoted to this line, and he simply calls it “the rising line.”

The Treatise separately computes the paths of the rising and narrowing lines fore and aft of the midship bend, which is where they meet. It employs several different mathematical methods to do so. These are summarized in Table 15, which is included to convey an idea of how sophisticated the relevant calculations are.


Table 15. The Treatise’s Methods for Calculating the Rising and Narrowing Lines

1734882855422.png
*The Treatise predates the use of cosines. I have modernized its calculations. This modification produces same results as the Treatise’s example calculations.

The sophistication of the calculations presents a bit of a problem for me. Describing what the Treatise does and why it does it could easily occupy as many words as I have already written. It would be a wonderful sleep aid, or perhaps a useful surgical anesthetic, but I doubt may people want to read page after page of trigonometric explanations and equations. So, I need to figure out what to write, and how to write it. This will take at least a couple of weeks. In the meantime, I leave you with this interlude…..

Some shipwrights did not draw these lines on their plans. This is shown by plans described by Salisbury. [1] It shows no bends, so its rising lines do not run through a series of calculated points. However, as Salisbury points out, “the heights and narrowings in the mould loft would be obtained directly by calculation without reference to the draught except for the points of greatest rising, etc.” (Salsbury 1961)

Deane was particularly appalled by those who drew no lower rising line, and he criticized by saying “I am sensible of some critics in our art will say they can make a ship’s body bad or good, fuller or leaner, without the [lower] rising line, which I take care to lay down by this method. My answer to them would be, I say as they do, and then the King may have his ships want quality as these pretenders do sound judgement, their ships on trial having been more ready to sail with their bottoms upward than downward…..”

Since this, and other contemporary approach are mathematical, it is fair to ask whether Pett had the ability to use math line this. Perrin doubts Pett’s abilities, claiming that “the fact that he [Pett} had subsequently to practice ‘cyphering' in the evenings does not imply any great acquirements in mathematics, even of the very elementary forms which at that period were sufficient for the solution of the few problems arising in connection with the design of ships.” Perrin questions Pett’s abilities even though Pett was s a graduate of Cambridge University. Algebra and geometry were taught to every student at this time (recall that Baker referred to arithmetic and geometry as “the two supporting pillars of every art”), so Pett could hardly have escaped these subjects.

There are other explanations for Pett’s evening studies. They may have stemmed from a break in tradition initiated by Mathew Baker. Before Baker, shipwrights learned their trade by watching and imitating a master shipwright as he worked. This required neither literacy nor numeracy. Baker may have been implementing an alternative approach. In this approach, ship design was not only learned during working hours, it was also learned after the workday was over. (Johnston 1994, 133) The approach obviously became popular. Mungo Murray’s 1754 Treatise (Murray 1754) begins with an “advertisement” that says:

“The several Branches of Mathematicks treated of in this Book are expeditiously taught by the Author at his House in Deptford; where may be had all Sorts of Sliding Rules and Scales: As also Sectors for delineating Ships, Diagonal Scales, &c. on Brass, Wood, or Paste-board. Attendance from six to eight every Evening, except Wednesdays and Saturdays.”

Pett likely also had the time for evening study. There is some evidence that people in early seventeenth century England did not have the same sleep patterns that we now have. Before electric lighting, sleep was divided into a “first sleep” and a “second sleep.” The former began at 9 or 10 PM, and lasted until about midnight. People then woke for an hour or two (this period was called “the watch”), engaged in a variety of activities, like thinking about their dreams, praying, having sex, chopping wood, or reading. Thereafter, they returned to bed to slept until dawn. (Ekrich 2005) The “watch” was a useful time to study.

Those living in the early 17th century also did not always see the need for eight hours a sleep every night. Some physicians prescribed seasonal sleep adjustments, such as sleeping eight hours in the summer and nine hours during long winter evenings, and Jeremy Taylor, former chaplain to Charles I (1625-49), prescribed only three hours of sleep a night. (Ekirch 2001)

We can add to this a widespread anxiety about sleep itself, which may have caused people to delay it. Sleep {I apoligize for this. This is another instance where the SOS site wants to put in an icon, and I can't prevent it. The word should be "sleepx", but without the "x")posed threats to property, the body, and the soul, not to mention the threats to getting sleep. William Herbert’s 1657 “A companion for a Christian containing, meditations & prayers, fitted for all conditions, persons, times and places either for the church, closet, shop, chamber, or bed: being seasonable and usefull for these sad unsetled times” speaks of "terrors, sights, noises, dreames and paines, which afflict manie men” at rest. (Ekirch 2001)

Households followed a variety of rituals to alleviate this anxiety. Curtains were drawn to counter the harmful consequences of sleeping in moonlight, and the colds one could catch from evening drafts. Samuel Pepys, for example, tried to tie his hands inside his bed to keep from catching a cold. Members of the upper classes might have their feet washed before bed, or get their hair cut and combed. Beds were beaten and stirred, and chamber pots set, all by servants. Samuel Pepys wrote of a young servant in training; "I had the boy up tonight for his sister to teach him to put me to bed." Putting someone to bed could include singing or reading to the master with the aid of a "watch-candle" or "night-light," commonly a short, fat candle in a perforated holder that made it difficult to overturn. (Ekirch 2001)

Those not as wealthy as Pett or Pepys prepared for sleep by invoking magic. This included potions to prevent bedwetting and to spur sleep on, as well as night spells to protect households from fire, thieves, and evil spirits. To keep demons from descending down chimneys, the heart of a young bull or pig was hung over hearths in western England, and some families hung amulets and recited charms to keep away nightmares, which were thought to be imps seeking to suffocate their prey. (Ekirch 2001)

Despite the nightmares, dreams were commonly thought to be oracles or divine prophecies that could foretell the future. The general public believed that dreams gave them a deeper understanding of their body and soul, and it was common for people to attempt to evoke dreams by reading before bed, avoiding heavy meals, or by placing a piece of cake beneath their pillows. This belief was, however, not universal. The author of a 1689 treatise on dreams complained that an "abundance of ignorant People (foolish Women, and Men as weak) have in all Times, and do frequently at this day make many ridiculous & superstitious Observations from their Dreams." (Ekirch 2001)

Samuel Pepys had a dream during the height of London's Great Plague in 1665 that he was particularly fond of. It was about a liaison with Lady Castlemaine. Pepys characterized it as "the best that ever was dreamed"—"all the dalliance I desired with her". He went on to add: "What a happy thing it would be, if when we are in our graves ... we could dream, and dream but such dreams as this." "Then," he added, "we should not need to be so fearful of death as we are this plague-time." Mrs. Pepys was not so enamored with Samuel’s dreams. She took to feeling his penis for signs of an erection while he slept. (Ekirch 2001)


References​

Ekirch, A. Roger. 2001. "Sleep' We Have Lost: Pre-industrial Slumber in the British Isles." The American Historical Review 106 (2): 343-386.

Ekrich, A. Roger. 2005. A Day's Close: Night in Times Past. New York: W.W> Norton & Company, Inc.

Johnston, S A. 1994. Making mathematical practice : gentlemen, practitioners and artisans in Elizabethan England (Doctoral thesis). https://doi.org/10.17863/CAM.19773.

Murray, Mungo. 1754. A Treatise on Ship-Building and Navigation. London: D. Henry and R. Cave.

Salsbury, W. 1961. "A Draught of a Jacobean Three-Decker. The Prince Royal?" Mariner's Mirror 47:3, 170-177.




[1] Salisbury suggests that these are plans for the Prince Royal. This makes it possible that they were drawn by Phineas Pett though, as Salisbury points out, they could also have been drawn by one of his rivals during the time of controversy over this ships design. Regardless, the system used to draw the lines cannot be fully replicated because some important information needed to draw all of them (e.g., the wing transom’s width) is not given.
 
Last edited:
Back
Top