Section IV: The Sheer Plan (continued)
The Swimming Line
The swimming line is a line that follows the ship’s draft from stem to stern. It was measured as the vertical distance between the water and the keel’s bottom. It is the depth at which a loaded ship “swam.” (Abell 1948, 47) In the present case, “loaded” refers to a partially loaded ship, not a fully loaded one. (Ferriero 2007, p 196) The definition of “partially loaded” varied. Accordingly, Pett lists the heights of the ports above the swimming line “with four months victuals” and “with sixth months victuals.” Methods for precisely determining how high the swimming line was did not exist in the early 17th century, so the term “estimated swimming line” is probably a better description of what these shipwrights used.
Properly drawing the swimming line is critical to reconstructing the Sovereign. This line was also of critical importance to shipwrights. The Treatise describes it as “a principal thing to be regarded for the good qualities of a ship. From that line are set off the decks and ports for the ordnance, higher or lower as we will have them lie to pass.” Phineas Pett apparently followed this practice. He thus expresses the height of the Sovereign’s ports in terms of their height above the swimming line.
The Treatise’s author is not unique in understanding the importance of the swimming line. Bushnell tells us that “the draught of the water ought to be respected first, and then the lying of the Ports for the convenience of Ordnance,” so he tells us to “… draw the water line …. Higher abaft than afore, for the most Ships sail by the Stern….”
Deane is even more emphatic. He says that “the water line … is of so great concernment that the whole good or bad quality of a ship depends on that design and is, or ought to be, the principal line regarded in the whole art of the master shipwright.” He goes on to complain that not all shipwright’s were adept at determining how high it should be, telling us that:
“to lay down this line as it ought to be is of great worth and advantage on every man-of-war, which, if it had been thoroughly understood, we had never had such great mistakes in the navy as we have found, to the confounding of vast treasure in the kingdom, by sometimes lengthening them or by girdling them of great thicknesses, or at other times making them fuller or leaner bowed and perchance furring out [1] or thickening the run or the way….”
The Newton manuscript and the Treatise offer only a rudimentary treatment of the swimming line. The former merely tells us “The depth must be in proportion to the breadth & must not be more then [sic] ½ thereof nor less then [sic] ⅓ unless there be such a necessity to have such to draw little water to do some service in a river or such like where the water is but shallow.” This was widely known, and it explains why the English, who had access to deep water harbors, built ships that were relatively narrow, while the Dutch, whose harbors were relatively shallow, built relatively broad ships. The narrow ships draw more water, and the broad ships draw less.
The Treatise only tells us that a ship’s draft at the midship bend lies at the intersection of the futtock sweep and the “upper sweep.” Its description of how to draw the rest of the line is unclear but, if followed literally, it leads to a swimming line that is parallel to the keel.[2] Shipwrights knew better than this. The Treatise’s author knew better because, when discussing deadrise, he tells us that shipwrights “will have the ship draw more water abaft than afore.” The above-mentioned quote from Bushnell echoes this, and Mainwaring agrees by saying; “…for you must know a ship never draws so much ahead as she doth astern, for if she should she would never steer well.” (Mainwaring 1922, 254) Indeed, this was even known by William Bourne, whose 1578 book tells us “all ships do draw more water at the stern, than they do at the head.”
Neither the Newton manuscript or the Treatise touch upon Archimedes principle, which tells us that if something is heavier than water, it will sink, and if it is lighter than water, it will float. Yet, shipwrights knew this well before these two documents were written. Thus, the 1578 writings of William Bourne (Bourne 1578) tell us;
“Looke what quantitie of the Ship is buryed in the water, that is to say, from the edge of the water downwards: then if there were a vessell or great thing made of the proportion of the moulde of a Shyppe, as much as is buried in the water, if that were filled with that water that the ship were in, the water shoulde be of iust equall waight, that the Ship were of, with all her tackle and implements in her.”
Bourne also goes on to recognize that water from different sources has different weights, with the implication that the amount of water a ship displaces depends on the kind of water it is in. Bourne thus tells us “And now suppose that the water was of our water, here at Gravesend, and that is not of the lightest sort, neither of the heaviest sort….” He then goes on to provide three methods for determining a ship’s displacement though, they would only work for a ship that was already built, and would not be useful when designing a ship. (Olaberria 2018, pg 67) Bourne does not give the impression of describing something new or obscure. Using Archimedes' principle to describe why ships float was likely well known at the time of his writing. (Olaberria 2018, pg 68)
Bushnell’s and Deane’s works are clearly based on this principle. The used it to estimate the amount of ballast and other loads that would bring the ship to its correct waterline. (Ferriero 2007, 199) In Bushnell’s words:
“the weight of the same body of the same water that the ship swimmeth in, shall be the exact weight of the ship, and all things therein, loading, rigging, victuals included therein: then if the ship be measured to her light mark as she will swim at being lanched, the weight of so much water being taken or substracted from the weight of the water when she is laden, the residue shall be the weight that must load her, or her ability of carrying, called her burthen: by this means you may know the weight of the ship light, and what she will carry to every foot of water assigned to her, which can be done by no general rules in Arithmetick, because of their great irregularity, according to the differing minds of Ship-wrights…”
Despite his pessimism about the value of “Arithmetick,” Bushnell goes on to outline his method, though his description is incomplete “because it will much increase my Treatise, and augment the Price, which might prove more prejudicial to young men, than advantageous.”
Deane’s summarizes his approach by saying “the principal is to measure the ship’s body underwater and find how many feet it contains, and her weight of body is so many 64 lbs as there shall be square feet in that body under water and no more.” The figure “64 pounds” refers to the weight of water, and he tells us “Standard salt water is just 64 ¼ of an ounce to 12 inches square, every way of measure.” On the other hand, “in the River Thames a foot square weigheth 63 lbs 12 oz, spring water 62 lbs 11 ⅛, rain water 62 1 ½.” These weights were probably not original to Deane. Bushnell also takes credit for measuring them when he says “I have proved by the Thames water, that fresh Water is lighter than salt water; so then salt water being heavier than fresh, causeth that a ship swimmeth deeper in the fresh water than in salt,” but he may be taking too much credit. As mentioned above, William Bourne was aware of at least some of this.
Deane is often credited with discovering how to determine a ship’s draft. Indeed, Samuel Pepys does this. (Ferriero 2007, 197) However, Phineas Pett did this for the Sovereign long before Deane’s work and, at about the same time, Phineas’ son and nephew (both named Peter) were also able to estimate the drafts of their ships, and how far above water their ports would be above it. (Ferriero 2007, 196) This was over three decades years before Deane wrote his Doctrine. Importantly, and despite the self-promotional air of Deane’s Doctrine, Deane never takes credit for discovering how to determine the draft. Lavery (Lavery, Deane's System 1670, pg 25) has even suggested that Deane implies the method was available to any shipwright who would “take the pains, or his skill afford so much of that art.”
We cannot know exactly how Phineas Pett determined the height of the Sovereign’s swimming line, but the preceding discussion of William Bourne’s work suggests that Pett was using basic principles that had been known among shipwrights for some time. He was clearly considering the ship’s weight and, therefore, Archimedes principle because he reports that the ports at the midship bend are further from water when the Sovereign carried “four months victuals” than when it carried “six months victuals.
Knowing only the distances of the ports from water at the midship bend is not enough to allow us to draw a swimming line. We also need to know where it ended at the bow and stern. Pett does not tell us this, and the Treatise and the Newton Manuscript are once again silent on this topic. Bushnell’s drawings suggest that he drew his line from the stem’s inner face to the post’s inner face. Deane’s drawings are inconsistent. In one place he draws his line like Bushnell, but he more commonly drew it from the aft side of the post to the fore side of the stem. I have used Deane’s latter method, though there is little practical difference between this method and Bushnell’s.
With this information in hand, we can turn to what Pett tells us about the Sovereign’s swimming line. He only says that it was 18 feet 9 inches from the keel’s bottom at the midship bend, so we need to find its height at the bow and stern. We begin by considering a “rule of thumb” for 3-decked ships of this era; they drew 2 feet more water at the stern than at the bow (Fox). (Laughton 1932) Some have combined this this “rule” with the Sovereign’s draft at the midship bend to deduce that it drew 19 feet 9 inches of water at the stern, and 17 feet 9 inches at the bow (Laughton 1932) (here, we are using the figures for a ship provisioned with “four months victuals”).[3] However, this deduction requires modification. The reason for this can be seen when we plot these points along the Sovereign’s hull. When we do, we find that, unlike a proper swimming line, they do not form a straight line.[4] The result is that the straight line that best fits them does not run through any of them (see Figure 19). This means that we need to modify either the point at the bow, or the one at the stern.[5]
Figure 23. Drawing the Swimming Line Using a “Rule of Thumb”
Note: Red dots indicate heights of 17 feet 9 inches, 18 feet 9 inches, and 19 feet 9 inches at the bow, midship bend, and stern, respectively. The line is the line that best fits these points. It cannot be used because it does not run through any of them, including the point at the midship bend that Pett provides. The drawing is not to scale.
One way to modify these points is to assume a 19 foot 9 inch draft at the stern, and then solve for the draft at the bow. This is arbitrary, but it is also realistic. The weight of the Sovereign’s aft upper decks and its stern chase guns suggest that it is prudent to make the stern draft as deep as possible. Any other modification of the “rule of thumb” that maintains the midship bend draft that Pett gives us does not accomplish this. Accordingly, the current reconstruction estimates that the Sovereign’s designed draft was 19 feet 9 inches and the stern, and 17 feet 11 inches at the bow.[6] The difference between the drafts at the bow and stern, which is the ship’s trim, is 1 foot 10 inches. The trim is not meaningfully affected by how much weight a ship carries. We find a nearly identical trim when we examine the draft of a fully loaded ship.[7]
Modelers who wish to mount their ships to depict the Sovereign as it looked while sailing will want to take its trim into account, and mount their models with the bow higher than the stern, instead of placing their keels parallel to the surface on which the model rests.
[1] Girdling was the adding of timber to the outside of the underwater part of the hull. It was done to make ships float higher. Furring out is a more radical modification in which the underwater planking is removed, and additional timbers attached to the frames. Afterwards, the ship is re-planked. The run was apparently the part of the underwater part of the hull as it narrowed towards the stern, and the way was the narrowing of the ship at both ends. (Lavery, Deane's Doctrine of Naval Architecture, 1670 1981, 55)
[2] At least one author has literally followed these instructions while developing plans for another ship.
[3]Laughton (Laughton 1932) also provides estimates of the
Sovereign’s draft, but he assumed Pennington’s design, which had a draft of 19 feet 6 inches amidships, was used. This is 9 inches more than the draft Pett gives. If we subtract 9 inches from Laughton’s drafts at the bow and stern (18 feet 6 inches, and 20 feet 6 inches, respectively), we obtain the drafts suggested by Frank Fox; 17 feet 9 inches at the bow, and 19 feet 9 inches at the stern.
[4] Linear regression was used to determine whether the 3 points fell along on a straight line.
[5] We cannot modify the point at the midship bend because it is given by Phineas Pett. We could, of course, decide to modify the points at both the bow and the stern. The decision that we need to modify only one of them is a simplifying assumption.
[6] I have rounded this figure to the nearest ¼ inch. The precise draft at the bow is 17.9197 feet, leading to a precise trim of 1.8303 feet.
[7] The precise trim is 1.8380 feet. Figures for a fully loaded ship were taken from Laughton. (Laughton 1932) They are 22 feet 6 inches at the stern, 21 feet 6 inches at the midship bend, and 20 feet 6 inches at the bow. These figures do not form a straight line, so the drafts at the stern and midship bends were retained, and the draft at the bow was solved for. Laughton’s draft at the midship bend is different from Pett’s draft of 21 feet 3 inches.
References
Abell, Sir Westcott. 1948.
The Shipwright's Trade. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bourne, William. 1578.
A booke called the Treasure for traveliers, devided into five Bookes or partes, contaynyng very necessary matters, for all sortes of Travailers, either by Sea or by Lande, written by William Bourne. London: Imprinted for Thomas Woodcocke.
Ferriero, Larrie D. 2007.
Ships and Science. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Fox, Frank. n.d. "Personal Communication."
Laughton, L. C. Carr. 1932. "The Royal Sovereign, 1685."
The Mariner's Mirror 18 (2): 138-150.
Lavery, Brian. 1981.
Deane's Doctrine of Naval Architecture, 1670. London: Conway Maritime Press.
Lavery, Brian. 1670. "Deane's System." In
Deane's Doctrine of Naval Architecture, 1670, by Anthony Deane, 128. Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press.
Mainwaring, Henry. 1922.
The Life and Works of Sir Henry Manwaring. Edited by G.E Manwaring and W.G. Perrin. Vol. 2. 2 vols. London: THe Navy Records Society.
Olaberria, Juan-Pablo. 2018.
Ship Design Knowledge in Early Modern Europe: Royal Yachts and the Shared Knowedge of Ship-designers and Common Shipwrights. Vol. 1. 2 vols. Southampton: Doctoral Dissertation; University of Southampton.